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  • U.S., Russia agree to reestablish military dialogue after Ukraine talks

    U.S., Russia agree to reestablish military dialogue after Ukraine talks

    The U.S. and Russia agreed Thursday to reestablish high-level military dialogue for the first time in more than four years in another sign of warming relations between the two countries since President Donald Trump returned to office and sought to end the war in Ukraine.

    High-level military communication was suspended in late 2021, as tension between Moscow and Washington rose ahead of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Trump then campaigned for a second term on promises that he would swiftly end the fighting. Many of his proposals for peace have heavily favored the Kremlin, including requiring Ukraine to cede territory to Russia.

    The restored communication channel “will provide a consistent military-to-military contact as the parties continue to work towards a lasting peace,” the U.S. European Command said in a statement. The agreement emerged from a meeting between senior Russian and American military officials in the capital of the United Arab Emirates.

    U.S. Gen. Alexus Grynkewich, who is the commander in Europe of both U.S. and NATO forces, was in Abu Dhabi, where talks between American, Russian, and Ukrainian officials on ending the war entered a second day.

    Meanwhile, Moscow escalated its attacks on Ukraine’s power grid in an apparent effort to deny civilians power and to weaken public support for the fight, while hostilities continued along the roughly 600-mile front line snaking through eastern and southern parts of Ukraine.

    An effort to ease tensions

    The resumption of the military hotline marks an effort to ease tensions that soared after the start of the war and to avoid collisions between Russian and U.S. forces.

    In one such incident in March 2023, the American military said it ditched an Air Force MQ-9 Reaper drone in the Black Sea after a pair of Russian fighter jets dumped fuel on it, and then one of them struck its propeller while flying in international airspace.

    Moscow has denied that its warplanes hit the drone, alleging that it crashed while making a sharp maneuver. The Kremlin said its aircraft reacted to a violation of a no-fly zone Russia has established in the area near Crimea.

    Moscow has repeatedly voiced concern about intelligence flights by the U.S. and other NATO aircraft over the Black Sea, and some Russian officials charged that the American surveillance flights helped gather intelligence that allowed Ukraine to strike Russian targets.

    NATO members have been increasingly worried about intrusions into allied airspace. Some European officials described the incidents as Moscow testing NATO’s response.

    In September, a swarm of Russian drones flew into Poland’s airspace, prompting NATO aircraft to scramble to intercept them and shoot down some of the devices. It was the first direct encounter between NATO and Moscow since the full-scale invasion. Later that month, NATO jets escorted three Russian warplanes out of Estonia’s airspace.

    Russia, Ukraine exchange prisoners following talks

    The delegations from Moscow and Kyiv were joined Thursday in Abu Dhabi by U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, according to Rustem Umerov, Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council chief, who was present at the meeting.

    They were also at last month’s talks in the same place as the Trump administration tries to steer Russia and Ukraine toward a settlement.

    Officials have provided no information about any progress in the discussions.

    Following the talks on Thursday, however, Russia and Ukraine said they carried out a prisoner exchange.

    The Russian Defense Ministry said it brought 157 Russian servicemen back from Ukrainian captivity, as well as three Russian nationals captured during Kyiv’s incursion into Russia’s Kursk region. Ukrainian officials said 150 Ukrainian servicemen and seven civilians returned from Russian captivity.

    The Russian Defense Ministry said the released Russian soldiers are currently in Belarus, getting medical assistance, before being taken back to Russia “for treatment and rehabilitation.”

    Ukrainian human rights ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets said that among the 150 service members who returned from Russian captivity, 18 were “illegally sentenced by Russia.” He said that “overall, those released are in a difficult psychological condition, and some are critically underweight.”

    Zelensky says 55,000 Ukrainian troops killed

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said 55,000 Ukrainian troops have died since Russia’s invasion. “And there is a large number of people whom Ukraine considers missing,” he added in an interview broadcast late Wednesday by French TV channel France 2.

    The last time Zelensky gave a figure for battlefield deaths, in early 2025, he said 46,000 Ukrainian troops had been killed.

    Zelensky has repeatedly said his country needs security guarantees from the U.S. and Europe to deter any postwar Russian attacks.

    Ukrainians must feel that there is genuine progress toward peace and “not toward a scenario in which the Russians exploit everything to their advantage and continue their strikes,” Zelensky said on social media late Wednesday.

    Last year saw a 31% increase in Ukrainian civilian casualties compared with 2024, the advocacy group Human Rights Watch said in a report published Wednesday.

    Almost 15,000 Ukrainian civilians have been killed and just over 40,000 wounded since the start of the war through last December, according to the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine.

    In other developments:

    Russian troops have lost access to their Starlink satellite internet terminals on the front line, Ukrainian Economic Minister Mykhailo Fedorov said Thursday, after Ukraine asked Elon Musk’s SpaceX to help deny Russia use of the service in Ukraine.

    Russian forces have consequently lost command-and-control capabilities and navigation for drones, and assaults have stopped in many sectors, according to Fedorov’s adviser Serhii Beskrestnov. Russian officials made no immediate comment.

    Ukraine is registering its civilian and military Starlink users on a database, allowing approved devices to function while unregistered terminals are disabled inside Ukraine.

    Also, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk said during a visit to Kyiv that he agreed with Zelensky to develop the joint production of ammunition at plants in their countries.

    Zelensky said Poland plans to increase supplies to Ukraine of liquefied natural gas, and the countries are exploring an exchange of weaponry, with Kyiv possibly receiving Polish MiG fighter jets and Warsaw receiving Ukrainian drones.

    Russia fired 183 drones and two ballistic missiles at Ukraine overnight, according to the Ukrainian air force. Three people were injured, officials said.

    The Russian Defense Ministry said its air defenses downed 95 Ukrainian drones overnight over several regions, the Azov Sea and Crimea, which Russia illegally annexed in 2014.

  • What to know as Iran and U.S. prepare for nuclear talks in Oman

    What to know as Iran and U.S. prepare for nuclear talks in Oman

    DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — Iran and the United States will hold talks Friday in Oman, their latest over Tehran’s nuclear program after Israel launched a 12-day war on the country in June and the Islamic Republic launched a bloody crackdown on nationwide protests.

    President Donald Trump has kept up pressure on Iran, moving aircraft carriers and other military assets to the Gulf and suggesting America could attack Iran over the killing of peaceful demonstrators or if Tehran launches mass executions over the protests. Trump has pushed Iran’s nuclear program back into the frame as well after the June war disrupted five rounds of talks held in Rome and Muscat, Oman, last year.

    Just hours ahead of Friday’s meeting, many questions hovered over the talks, including the scope of the agenda. While negotiations are expected to focus on Iran’s nuclear program, Secretary of State Marco Rubio this week said the U.S. hoped to discuss other concerns, including Iran’s ballistic missiles, support for proxy networks across the region and the “treatment of their own people.” Iran has said it wants talks to focus solely on the nuclear issue.

    Trump began the diplomacy initially by writing a letter last year to Iran’s 86-year-old Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to jump start these talks. Khamenei has warned Iran would respond to any attack with an attack of its own, particularly as the theocracy he commands reels following the protests.

    Here’s what to know about Iran’s nuclear program and the tensions that have stalked relations between Tehran and Washington since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

    Trump writes letter to Khamenei

    Trump dispatched the letter to Khamenei on March 5, 2025, then gave a television interview the next day in which he acknowledged sending it. He said: “I’ve written them a letter saying, ‘I hope you’re going to negotiate because if we have to go in militarily, it’s going to be a terrible thing.’”

    Since returning to the White House, the president has been pushing for talks while ratcheting up sanctions and suggesting a military strike by Israel or the U.S. could target Iranian nuclear sites.

    A previous letter from Trump during his first term drew an angry retort from the supreme leader.

    But Trump’s letters to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in his first term led to face-to-face meetings, though no deals to limit Pyongyang’s atomic bombs and a missile program capable of reaching the continental U.S.

    Oman mediated previous talks

    Oman, a sultanate on the eastern edge of the Arabian Peninsula, has mediated talks between Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and U.S. Mideast envoy Steve Witkoff. The two men have met face to face after indirect talks, a rare occurrence due to the decades of tensions between the countries.

    It hasn’t been all smooth, however. Witkoff at one point made a television appearance in which he suggested 3.67% enrichment for Iran could be something the countries could agree on. But that’s exactly the terms set by the 2015 nuclear deal struck under former President Barack Obama, from which Trump unilaterally withdrew America. Witkoff, Trump and other American officials in the time since have maintained Iran can have no enrichment under any deal, something to which Tehran insists it won’t agree.

    Those negotiations ended, however, with Israel launching the war in June on Iran.

    12-day war and nationwide protests

    Israel launched what became a 12-day war on Iran in June that included the U.S. bombing Iranian nuclear sites. Iran later acknowledged in November that the attacks saw it halt all uranium enrichment in the country, though inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency have been unable to visit the bombed sites.

    Iran soon experienced protests that began in late December over the collapse of the country’s rial currency. Those demonstrations soon became nationwide, sparking Tehran to launch a bloody crackdown that killed thousands and saw tens of thousands detained by authorities.

    Iran’s nuclear program worries the West

    Iran has insisted for decades that its nuclear program is peaceful. However, its officials increasingly threaten to pursue a nuclear weapon. Iran now enriches uranium to near weapons-grade levels of 60%, the only country in the world without a nuclear weapons program to do so.

    Under the original 2015 nuclear deal, Iran was allowed to enrich uranium up to 3.67% purity and to maintain a uranium stockpile of 300 kilograms (661 pounds). The last report by the International Atomic Energy Agency on Iran’s program put its stockpile at some 9,870 kilograms (21,760 pounds), with a fraction of it enriched to 60%.

    U.S. intelligence agencies assess that Iran has yet to begin a weapons program, but has “undertaken activities that better position it to produce a nuclear device, if it chooses to do so.” Iranian officials have threatened to pursue the bomb.

    Israel, a close American ally, believes Iran is pursuing a weapon. It wants to see the nuclear program scrapped, as well as a halt in its ballistic missile program and support for anti-Israel militant groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas.

    Decades of tense relations

    Iran was once one of the U.S.’s top allies in the Mideast under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who purchased American military weapons and allowed CIA technicians to run secret listening posts monitoring the neighboring Soviet Union. The CIA had fomented a 1953 coup that cemented the shah’s rule.

    But in January 1979, the shah, fatally ill with cancer, fled Iran as mass demonstrations swelled against his rule. The Islamic Revolution followed, led by Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and created Iran’s theocratic government.

    Later that year, university students overran the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, seeking the shah’s extradition and sparking the 444-day hostage crisis that saw diplomatic relations between Iran and the U.S. severed. The Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s saw the U.S. back Saddam Hussein. The “Tanker War” during that conflict saw the U.S. launch a one-day assault that crippled Iran at sea, while the U.S. later shot down an Iranian commercial airliner that the U.S. military said it mistook for a warplane.

    Iran and the U.S. have seesawed between enmity and grudging diplomacy in the years since, with relations peaking when Tehran made the 2015 nuclear deal with world powers. But Trump unilaterally withdrew America from the accord in 2018, sparking tensions in the Mideast that persist today.

  • Inside the toxic legacy of America’s multibillion-dollar carpet empire

    Inside the toxic legacy of America’s multibillion-dollar carpet empire

    DALTON, Ga. — Bob Shaw glared at the executives from the chemical giant 3M across the table from him. He held up a carpet sample and pointed at the logo for Scotchgard on the back.

    “That’s not a logo,” fumed Shaw, CEO of the world’s largest carpet company, one attendee later recalled. “That’s a target.”

    Weeks earlier, 3M Company announced it would reformulate its signature stain-resistance brand under pressure from the Environmental Protection Agency because of human health and environmental concerns.

    Mills like Shaw’s had been using Scotchgard in carpet production, releasing its chemical ingredients into the environment for decades. And on a massive scale: The shrewd CEO built Shaw Industries from a family firm in Dalton, Georgia, into a globally dominant carpet maker worth billions.

    “I got 15 million of these out in the marketplace,” Shaw told his 3M visitors. “What am I supposed to do about that?”

    A 3M executive replied that he didn’t know. Shaw threw the sample at him and left the room.

    The answer to Shaw’s Scotchgard question from that moment in 2000 would be the same as that of the broader industry. Carpet makers kept using closely related chemical alternatives for years, even after scientific studies and regulators warned of their accumulation in human blood and possible health effects. Customers expected stain resistance; nothing worked better than the family of chemicals known as PFAS.

    A lack of state and federal regulations allowed carpet companies and their suppliers to legally switch among different versions of these stain-and-soil resistant products. Meanwhile, the local public utility in Dalton responsible for ensuring safe drinking water coordinated with carpet executives in private meetings that would effectively shield their companies from oversight.

    Year after year, the chemicals traveled in water discarded during manufacturing from mills across northwest Georgia, eventually reaching a river system that provides drinking water to hundreds of thousands of people in Georgia and eastern Alabama.

    The pollution is so bad some researchers have identified the region as one of the nation’s PFAS hot spots. Today, the consequences can be found everywhere. PFAS, often called forever chemicals because they can take decades or more to break down, are in the water and the soil.

    They’re in the dust on floors where children crawl, the local fish and wildlife, and as ongoing research has shown, the people.

    Doctors have few answers for those like Dolly Baker who live downriver from Dalton’s carpet plants. She recently learned her blood has extraordinarily high PFAS levels.

    “I feel like, I don’t know, almost like there’s a blanket over me, smothering me that I can’t get out from under,” she said. “It’s just, you’re trapped.”

    An investigation by newsrooms including The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, The Associated Press and FRONTLINE (PBS) has revealed how the economic engine that sustained northwest Georgia contaminated the area and neighboring states, too. Downriver from Dalton, AL.com found cities in Alabama are struggling to remove PFAS from drinking water. And in South Carolina, The Post and Courier traced a local watchdog’s discovery of forever chemicals to a river by a Shaw factory.

    The full story of Georgia’s power structures prioritizing a prized industry over public health is only now emerging through dozens of interviews and thousands of pages of court records from lawsuits against the industry and its chemical suppliers. Those records, including testimony from key executives, emails and other internal documents, detail how carpet companies benefited from chemistry and regulatory inaction to keep using forever chemicals.

    All the while, the mills still hummed.

    Pointing fingers in a company town

    A sign welcomes Dalton’s visitors to the “Carpet Capital of the World.”

    Fleets of semitrucks stamped with company logos rumble out of behemoth warehouses. Textiles have employed generations here, propelling the city from 19th-century cotton mills into a manufacturing hub — and the region into a supplier of carpet to the globe.

    The durability that makes PFAS so good at protecting carpets from spilled tomato sauce and muddy boots lets them survive in the environment. It also makes them dangerous for humans. Because they bind to a protein in human blood and absorb into some organs, PFAS linger.

    The blood of nearly all Americans has some amount of the chemicals, which have been used in a variety of consumer products: nonstick cookware, waterproof sunscreen, dental floss, microwave popcorn bags.

    Few industries used them as much as carpet did in northwest Georgia. While huge amounts were needed for stain resistance on an industrial scale, minuscule amounts — the equivalent of less than a drop in an Olympic-sized swimming pool — can make drinking water a health risk. For certain PFAS, U.S. regulators now say no level is safe to drink.

    More than a year before the Scotchgard announcement in 2000, 3M informed Shaw Industries and its biggest competitor, Mohawk Industries Inc., that it was finding Scotchgard’s chemical in human blood and that it stayed in the environment, 3M records show.

    Carpet executives have long insisted they are not to blame. They point out that 3M and fellow chemical manufacturer DuPont assured them their products were safe, for decades hiding internal studies that were finding harm to the environment, animals and people.

    Shaw and Mohawk both said they relied on and complied with regulators and stopped using PFAS in U.S. carpet production in 2019.

    In an interview, a Shaw executive said the company acted in good faith as it worked hard to exit PFAS as quickly as suitable substitutes could be found.

    “Hindsight is 20/20,” said Kellie Ballew, Shaw’s vice president of environmental affairs. “I don’t think that we can call into question our intentions. I think Shaw had every good intention along the way.”

    Shaw in a follow-up statement said it complied with its wastewater permits and took guidance from chemical companies, some of which “instructed Shaw to put spills of product into the public sewer system.”

    Mohawk declined an interview request, instead referring to a 2024 filing in its lawsuit against chemical companies: “For decades, DuPont and 3M sold their carpet treatment products to Mohawk without disclosing the actual or potential presence of PFAS in their products.”

    Later, in response to detailed questions, Mohawk attorney Jason Rottner wrote that, “Any PFAS contamination issues in northwest Georgia are a problem of the chemical manufacturers’ making.”

    Now, uncertainty and feelings of betrayal are boiling across the region. Communities fear their drinking water is unsafe and local governments say the problem is too vast for them to fix alone.

    In Washington, Republicans and Democrats alike have been slow to act. Under President Joe Biden, the Environmental Protection Agency in 2024 established the first PFAS drinking water protections. The Trump administration has announced plans to roll back some and delay enforcement of others.

    The agency declined interview requests but in a statement said it is committed to combating PFAS contamination to protect human health and the environment, without causing undue burden to industry.

    Georgia’s regulatory system has done little to scrutinize PFAS and depends mostly on industry to self-report chemical spills, imposing modest penalties when companies do. The Georgia Environmental Protection Division, which declined an interview request, said it “relies on the expertise of” the EPA.

    Meanwhile, carpet makers still can’t seem to shake PFAS. Just last year, EPA concluded “PFAS have been and continue to be used” by the industry, based on wastewater testing. The agency did not name companies and said it’s unclear whether the chemicals were from current or prior use.

    The mess in northwest Georgia has led to a series of lawsuits over the past decade with hundreds of millions of dollars at stake.

    Buried in this avalanche of litigation, finger-pointing and politics are the people who live here. They have been forced to navigate a public health and economic crisis of a magnitude still not fully understood.

    “They ought to have to clean this land up,” Faye Jackson said, referring to carpet companies. A former industry worker, she raised her family in a house next to a polluted river and has elevated PFAS levels in her blood. “They ought to have to pay for it.”

    The creek ran blood red

    Lisa Martin watched the creek beside the Mohawk Industries mill run red with carpet dye.

    It was one of her first days as a planning manager at Mohawk in 2005, and she tried to hide her unease as the dye runoff turned the water into what looked like blood.

    The red she saw in Drowning Bear Creek had come from the nearby dyehouse, where carpets got their colors. There, machines whirred as workers sloshed around in rubber boots in ankle-deep dyewater, reminding Martin of fishermen. The acrid odor made her eyes tear up.

    A recent California transplant at the time, Martin recalled her initial culture shock.

    “At a gut level, you know it’s not right. And unfortunately, when you try to raise the flag and everybody’s like, ‘Well, that’s just the way it is,’” Martin said in an interview.

    “I became complacent.”

    Like Shaw, Mohawk is based in northwest Georgia and is among the largest carpet companies in the world. The industry supported the entire community, employing someone in what seems like every family. Martin realized carpet was in the region’s DNA.

    Martin said the chemical runoff was routine during her 20 years at Mohawk, which ended with her 2024 retirement. Sometimes, when the company dyed carpets blue, the water in the creek would be blue, too. One spill that turned the creek purple for a mile downstream killed thousands of fish, records show.

    Mohawk’s attorney called such spills “rare instances” that were promptly reported and said there is no evidence any spills directly discharged PFAS.

    In the dyehouse, what neither Martin nor the workers could detect were the colorless, odorless compounds also included in the wastewater: forever chemicals. Machines bathed the carpets in these soil-and-stain blockers, and what didn’t stick washed away.

    For decades, Mohawk’s and Shaw’s mills sent PFAS-polluted wastewater through sewer pipes to the local Dalton Utilities plants for treatment that did not remove the chemicals. Much of the tainted water ended up in the Conasauga River.

    Both Shaw and Mohawk said they operated in accordance with permits issued by Dalton Utilities. The utility said it takes direction from federal and state regulators, who have not prohibited PFAS in industrial wastewater.

    The Conasauga watershed is filled with lush green pastures, creeks and tributaries that help fuel the water-hungry industry. The river’s waters emerge out of Georgia’s Blue Ridge Mountains and eventually flow southwest, past Dalton, Calhoun and Rome, and then into Alabama.

    Residents downriver from the mills didn’t know about the chemicals running through their towns. But the industry’s top leaders did.

    PFAS is a catchall term for a group of thousands of related synthetic compounds also known as fluorochemicals. They have been fundamental to the carpet business since the 1970s, as market demand for stain resistance transformed the industry, and carpet makers began buying millions of pounds. In the mid-1980s, the introduction of DuPont’s Stainmaster, accompanied by a successful marketing blitz, further established these products as essential.

    Neither DuPont nor its related chemical companies that supplied PFAS provided comment for this story.

    The carpet industry used so much PFAS that Dalton’s mills became the largest combined emitters of the chemicals among 3M’s U.S. customers, according to a 1999 internal 3M study that looked at 38 industrial locations.

    Before 3M had pulled Scotchgard, leading to Bob Shaw’s showdown in the spring of 2000, both Shaw Industries and Mohawk had been privy to inside information that PFAS were accumulating in human blood. Bob Shaw did not respond to requests for comment.

    In late 1998 and early 1999, 3M held a series of meetings with carpet executives to disclose its blood-study research, according to 3M’s internal meeting notes from court records.

    “When we started finding the chemical in everybody’s blood, one of the biggest worries was Dalton, because we knew how sloppy they were,” Rich Purdy, a 3M toxicologist who alerted the EPA to his company’s hiding of PFAS’ dangers, said in an interview.

    Notes by a 3M employee from a January 1999 meeting said Mohawk executives did not express grave concerns about the revelations. “No real sense of Mohawk problem/responsibility,” 3M noted. “If it’s good enough for 3M, it’s good enough for Mohawk.” Mohawk’s attorney said of the meetings over two decades ago that 3M assured the company its chemicals were safe.

    At another meeting that January, Shaw executives were “concerned but quiet,” with one executive expressing he “felt plaintiffs’ attorneys would be involved immediately,” according to 3M’s notes. Shaw Industries maintains it learned of the concerns about Scotchgard at the same time everyone else did.

    In follow-up letters to top executives with Shaw and Mohawk later that month, 3M noted the company’s efforts were guided by the idea that reducing exposure “to a persistent chemical is the prudent and responsible thing to do” while emphasizing current evidence did not show human health effects.

    “We trust that you appreciate the delicate nature of this information and its potential for misuse,” the letters said. “We ask that you treat it accordingly.”

    3M then asked for access to Shaw and Mohawk mills to see if they were handling the chemicals safely, records show. Those internal reports, produced in 1999, would fault how carpet companies handled PFAS products, exposing workers and the environment, according to court records.

    The next year, 3M and EPA announced concerns about Scotchgard.

    The day of the announcement, the director of EPA’s Chemical Control Division sent an email to his colleagues and counterparts in other countries calling the key ingredient in Scotchgard an “unacceptable technology” and a “toxic chemical.” The email said the compound should be eliminated “to protect human health and the environment from potentially severe long-term consequences.”

    3M declined an interview request. In a statement, the company said it has stopped all PFAS manufacturing and has invested $1 billion in water treatment at its facilities. “3M has taken, and will continue to take, actions to address PFAS manufactured prior to the phase out,” the company said.

    In 2000, the year 3M announced it was pulling Scotchgard, Mohawk logged more than $3.4 billion in net sales. Shaw Industries reported $4.2 billion.

    EPA would not issue its first provisional health advisories for nearly another decade. Absent federal guidance, the carpet industry could legally continue to use these products.

    Despite accumulating health and environmental concerns, federal law at the time did not let EPA ban any chemical without “enormous evidence” of harm, said Betsy Southerland, a former director of the agency’s water protection division who spent over three decades there.

    “So we were really hamstrung at the time,” said Southerland, who has become a critic of EPA.

    At Mohawk, Lisa Martin was not an executive making decisions about PFAS, she said, but her time at the company weighs on her still.

    “Unfortunately, I later learned that there are more people that I worked with that were aware of it,” she said. “They were aware of it and didn’t do the things they should have done.”

    Years into her tenure, the athletic and inquisitive Martin began getting sick and feeling lethargic. Her doctor said she’d grown nodules on her thyroid, a gland that is a key part of the immune system and which studies have shown forever chemicals can harm.

    She had no family history of thyroid issues. It was a mystery to her.

    Cozy relationship

    Inside the Dalton headquarters of the Carpet and Rug Institute, industry executives and the local water utility conferred in 2004 about EPA’s growing scrutiny.

    For several months, EPA representatives had negotiated with Dalton Utilities and the carpet industry through the institute, its influential trade group, over gaining access to their facilities to test the water. Mohawk and Shaw were using DuPont’s Stainmaster and other products, which also contained forever chemicals akin to Scotchgard’s older formulation.

    Still, federal regulators worried these compounds were exhibiting similar harmful properties. Dalton Utilities and the carpet industry were uneasy about welcoming in government officials. Companies could not be guaranteed confidentiality and feared test results could lead to “inaccurate public perceptions and inappropriate media coverage,” records show.

    The public utility and the carpet industry chose to resist.

    Their close ties went back years. Carpet executives have long sat on Dalton Utilities’ board, appointed by the city’s mayor and city council. Fueled by the growth of the carpet industry, Dalton Utilities’ fortunes rose with the industry’s success.

    At the carpet institute’s 2004 annual meeting, officials with carpet and chemical companies convened to discuss the EPA’s increasingly aggressive posture. Shaw’s director of technical services, Carey Mitchell, addressed his colleagues. He was blunt. No company would allow testing.

    “Dalton Utilities has said not no, but hell no,” Mitchell said, according to notes made by a 3M attendee. Mitchell did not respond to requests for comment.

    In response to questions for this story, Dalton Utilities declined an interview request but said it and the carpet industry “have always operated independently of one another” and that the EPA testing request was informal.

    The carpet institute declined an interview request, sending a written statement instead.

    “The CRI’s conduct was and continues to be appropriate, lawful, and focused on our customers, communities, and the millions of people who rely on our products every day,” institute President Russ DeLozier said, adding: “Today’s carpet products reflect decades of progress, and The CRI members remain committed to moving forward responsibly.”

    The EPA stiff-arm was the latest run-in between Dalton Utilities and federal regulators.

    A public water utility’s obligation, above all else, is to ensure clean drinking water. Dalton’s utility had previously gone to criminal lengths to deceive regulators.

    In the early 1990s, Dalton Utilities’ staff traced a drop in oxygen levels in its wastewater treatment to stain-resistant chemicals from carpet mills, the utility’s top engineer at the time, Richard Belanger, said in an interview. While the utility didn’t know about PFAS then, something in these chemicals was impacting its ability to process the wastewater, he said. Rather than clamping down on industry, according to Belanger, his bosses ordered him to manipulate pollution figures the utility reported to government regulators.

    “I was told, OK, make this work,” Belanger, now retired, said.

    In June 1995, EPA investigators interviewed Belanger. He told them Dalton Utilities’ program to clean industrial pollutants was “a sham.” The treatment was so poor, the smell of carpet chemicals carried throughout the utility’s plant, and local creeks were often “purple and foamy,” according to investigators’ notes from the interview.

    Two months later, agents with the FBI and EPA raided Dalton Utilities’ offices.

    Federal prosecutors charged the utility with violating the Clean Water Act by falsifying wastewater reports, which concealed the full extent of the carpet industry’s pollution. The case did not address PFAS specifically, which was not yet a pollutant of concern for EPA. Dalton Utilities pleaded guilty in 1999 and was fined $1 million. Its CEO was removed.

    The utility was also put under federal monitoring in 2001 to ensure it was making key changes to protect the water supply and agreed to pay a $6 million penalty.

    The era of legal troubles with the federal government was pivotal, the utility said, adding it “has remained committed to avoiding the issues that led to those proceedings” and is transparent with regulators.

    Around the same time, emerging data showed the fluorochemicals used in carpets caused cancer in rats.

    The carpet institute’s then-president, Werner Braun, forwarded the rat study to several carpet and chemical executives in a 2002 email, calling the findings a “troubling issue,” records show. Braun, now in his 90s, was unable to comment for this story due to his health, his wife said.

    In preparing to respond to Braun, a 2002 email shows DuPont officials planned to explain that Stainmaster didn’t contain the type of PFAS that was then EPA’s focus. The next year, DuPont would tell carpet companies the opposite, acknowledging the chemical was indeed in Stainmaster. DuPont maintained in later legal proceedings it wasn’t aware until 2003 that Stainmaster contained the chemical.

    Despite its success in fending off EPA testing, the industry faced a mounting challenge, and the carpet institute focused on shoring up its influence and image.

    At a meeting in the spring of 2004 attended by top executives, the carpet institute decided to solicit donations from company employees for its political action committee “in an effort to submit friendships, gain access, and say thank you to legislators,” according to meeting notes.

    Later that year, PFAS made news in a high-profile legal case involving DuPont. The class-action lawsuit brought by residents in West Virginia claimed their water had been contaminated by a nearby chemical plant that used PFAS. Although DuPont said the settlement did not imply legal liability, it agreed to pay $70 million and to establish a health monitoring panel. Some two decades later, Braun was shown the rat study email during a legal deposition.

    “I wouldn’t necessarily call it a red flag but a flag, you know, that you might want to be aware of,” he said.

    Only years later did people downstream begin to learn the toll.

    The river brought the poison

    When Marie Jackson’s goats started dying about a year ago, nobody could explain why. Jackson saw it as just another sign something was wrong with her land.

    Marie and her mother, Faye Jackson, have lived on their 12 acres near Calhoun for decades. Today they keep mostly to themselves, inseparable, equal parts bickering and loving.

    Most days, Marie makes the short drive down a gravel road, Jackson Drive, to her mother’s house to check on her. She tends to Faye’s chickens, mows her grass and drives her to doctor’s appointments. Behind their homes is a rolling stretch of grassy pasture where their cattle graze — and the goats did as well, she said, until they all died.

    Past a curtain of trees on the far end of the pasture lies the Conasauga.

    Marie, 50, spent her childhood playing and swimming in the muddy river with rocks on the banks that made a good fishing spot. The Jacksons now know the water that sustains their homestead, about 15 miles downstream from Dalton, is contaminated.

    Tests of the river by the AJC found levels of what was once a key ingredient in Scotchgard at more than 30 times the proposed EPA limits for drinking water. Tests of Faye’s drinking water well by the AJC and the city of Calhoun found PFAS just under these federal health limits.

    Calhoun city officials used that health standard to guide a program designed to address contaminated wells. A 2024 legal settlement between the city and the Southern Environmental Law Center included a condition to test local water. As of August, 30% of private wells tested had levels above the health limit.

    Because Faye’s test was just below the cutoff, she does not qualify to receive a filtration system.

    Uncertainty about the chemicals continues to permeate every aspect of the Jacksons’ lives. They fear PFAS are behind their declining health. They fear their drinking water. They fear for the health of the cattle and chickens they raise; and for the health of those who may eat them.

    “I know they’ve got it in their systems,” Faye said.

    Even Marie’s memories are filled with second-guessing. Idyllic scenes of her childhood are now overshadowed by recollections of foam on the river and dead fish. She blames the mills.

    The Jacksons, like generations of northwest Georgians, relied on the carpet industry. Both of Marie’s parents worked in the mills: Faye with yarn machines and her dad in the dyehouse. Marie would end up working in carpet, too.

    Everyone suspected the work was dangerous. Faye said she’d get headaches from the strong chemical smells. The hours were long. But with the risk came a steady wage.

    “Around here, you have to understand the people, that’s all we know, right? That’s all we’ve ever been around,” Marie said, fidgeting with her plastic water bottle. “It’s like you don’t think. It’s routine. You go in, you know your job, you do your job, you go home.”

    Faye’s failing health eventually forced her to stop working. Today she drinks water she buys from the store.

    In 2022, Faye’s husband, Robert, died after struggling with several illnesses. She now wonders whether decades of PFAS exposure was to blame. And Marie has nodules growing on her thyroid.

    The Jacksons long suspected they had forever chemicals in their blood. With their consent, the AJC commissioned testing last fall and the mother and daughter finally learned the truth. Their PFAS levels were above the safety threshold outlined by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine.

    “They’ve poisoned us,” Faye said.

    Among the highest ever recorded

    In 2006, the carpet industry and Dalton Utilities faced a new dilemma.

    University of Georgia researchers were testing the Conasauga for PFAS, and early results seen by carpet companies showed high levels. Shaw Industries began conducting its own tests, which confirmed UGA’s results: PFAS coursed through the river.

    As Georgia’s scientists worked on their PFAS study, the majority of outside experts on an EPA advisory panel determined the PFAS associated with DuPont’s Stainmaster was ” likely to be carcinogenic.” In 2005, the year prior, EPA and DuPont settled a claim that the chemical company failed to report for decades what it knew about the risks. At $10.25 million, it was then the largest penalty ever obtained under a federal environmental law. DuPont did not admit liability.

    The university’s study, eventually published in 2008, made headlines. The UGA researchers reported PFAS levels in the Conasauga were “among the highest ever recorded in surface water” like a river or a lake. Not just in the United States, but worldwide.

    Journalists from a local newspaper also began asking questions about the study and the earlier decision by the utility and the industry to deny regulators access for testing.

    A Chattanooga Times Free Press reporter was “hot on the trail” of a story, wrote Denise Wood, at the time a Mohawk environmental executive and Dalton City Council member, in a February 2008 email to Dalton Utilities CEO Don Cope.

    One of the university researchers told the paper that UGA’s test results were “staggeringly high.” Cope did not respond to requests by the AJC and AP for an interview, and Wood declined to comment.

    At the carpet institute, officials rushed to create a crisis management team, internal records and emails show. The industry downplayed the UGA study and broader concerns about PFAS.

    “In our society today, it is absolutely known that you report the presence of some chemical and everybody gets all up and arms,” the institute’s head, Braun, told reporters.

    UGA’s study had an impact. The EPA returned in 2009. Unlike before, the agency now had provisional health advisory limits for certain PFAS compounds, offering regulators some enforcement authority.

    This new scrutiny would uncover a major source of pollution along the Conasauga.

    On the edge of Dalton, the Loopers Bend “land application system” occupies more than 9,600 acres on the river’s banks. The public utility had long hosted hunts for wildlife at the forested site, which is crisscrossed by a network of 19,000 sprinklers that sprayed PFAS-laden wastewater for decades.

    For years, the site’s design allowed runoff to leak into the river, according to EPA’s former water programs enforcement chief. The wastewater was so poorly filtered the ground felt like walking on “shag carpet” due to all the fibers, the EPA official, Scott Gordon, said in an interview. He noted gullies cut by wastewater led directly to creeks and the river.

    Because Dalton Utilities distributed the treated wastewater over land instead of discharging it into the river directly, it didn’t need a federal Clean Water Act permit. After EPA inspected and saw the conditions, the agency ordered the local utility to apply for one. The state, however, had approval power in Georgia and rejected the application, saying the permit wasn’t necessary.

    Today, Loopers Bend remains a significant source of PFAS in the Conasauga.

    The EPA worked with Dalton Utilities to upgrade the site starting in 1999, but it would be years before the agency would require testing of the Conasauga’s water.

    In 2009, testing reports submitted by Dalton Utilities to EPA confirmed what the UGA research had already shown: Forever chemicals had infiltrated the region. In addition to river and well water, deer and turkey taken from Loopers Bend had PFAS in their muscles and organs.

    Dalton Utilities said that levels of PFAS in its wastewater and the compost it provided to enrich soil for farmers and homeowners were not a health risk. PFAS were everywhere and a “societal problem,” and not one Dalton Utilities could solve, the utility’s lawyer wrote the EPA in 2010.

    Nonetheless, the utility agreed to restrict its compost distribution ​​and test wastewater from a quarter of its industrial customers annually.

    As later testing showed, the chemicals would persist for years.

    A health reckoning

    Why is the doctor calling? Dolly Baker wondered as she rinsed the hair of a client at her salon “Dolled Up” in Calhoun. Dr. Dana Barr’s number had popped up on her cellphone.

    Baker had taken part in a 2025 Emory University study of northwest Georgia, where she was one of 177 people who had their blood tested. Now one of the study’s lead scientists was on the phone.

    Barr, an analytical chemist with epidemiological experience, had been mailing study participants about the results. When she saw Baker’s test data, she dialed her phone.

    Baker, a lifelong Calhoun resident now in her 40s, had PFAS levels hundreds of times above the U.S. average.

    “I don’t want to alarm you, but we’re just trying to figure out what can be causing this,” Barr told her, Baker later recalled. “I suggest you talk to your doctor and let them know that there are certain cancers that can come into play later.”

    Baker was speechless.

    She walked back to her wash station and slowly started rinsing her client’s hair again, quietly processing what this all meant. How did she have such high levels? Her mind raced.

    What was she supposed to do about the forever chemicals in her body?

    “Unfortunately, there is no easy answer,” Baker said Barr told her.

    Emory tested Baker’s water and hair products, but the tests came back low. Almost a year after learning her blood test results, Baker is no closer to knowing why her levels are so high.

    She said she’s frustrated by the lack of action and leadership, especially after years of testing and community meetings to discuss the problem.

    “You know, people go in other countries to help them get clean water,” Baker said, “and do we have clean water?”

    Barr, who spent years at the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention studying environmental toxicants, realized there was too little data to grasp the problem in northwest Georgia. She helped launch Emory’s study to understand the extent of contamination in human blood.

    Three out of four residents tested by Emory had PFAS levels that warrant medical screening, according to clinical guidelines from the National Academy of Sciences.

    “People in Rome and in Calhoun tended to have higher levels of PFAS than most of the people in the U.S. population,” Barr said.

    Mohawk and Shaw say they stopped using older fluorochemicals around 2008. These were known by chemists as “long-chain” or C8 because each had eight or more carbon atoms on their molecular chains. Scotchgard, Stainmaster and Daikin’s Unidyne have since been reformulated without these C8 compounds.

    Chemical manufacturers made new “short-chain” or C6 versions with six carbon atoms. Daikin U.S. Corp. said in a statement it “is committed, as it always has been, to regulatory compliance, evolving PFAS science, and global standards.”

    Despite the chemical variations, short-chain PFAS had the stain-busting and water-repellant traits of the older chemicals. Scientists in the 2010s also expressed concerns that the newer formulations might carry similar environmental and health risks. Some began calling them “regrettable substitutes.”

    After saying it got out of PFAS completely in 2019, Shaw has struggled to remove the chemicals from its facilities. The company said the compounds have so many applications they appear elsewhere in the machines and processes it takes to produce carpet.

    “You can’t just say you stopped using them and you’re done,” said Ballew, Shaw’s vice president for environmental affairs.

    She said the company installed filters at some mills and sleuthed out PFAS sources from its supply chain to remove them. Shaw developed a testing technology and shared it with suppliers so they could do the same, offering it as an example of strong corporate citizenry from a company with roots in the region.

    “Shaw didn’t quit looking, and that’s what I’m really proud of,” Ballew said. “That’s the story. It’s not how long it took us to get here.”

    Worries, but few answers

    Down the road from Baker’s hair salon, Dr. Katherine Naymick operates a private medical practice. She’s practiced in Calhoun since moving there in 1996.

    Naymick’s office sits in a small strip mall off Calhoun’s main road — a tidy, white-walled office decorated with retro medical equipment. She’s been mystified that many of her young patients’ thyroid glands had just “quit on them.” Similarly, she said her patients also had higher rates of endocrine cancers than the national average.

    Doctors have few tools to address patient concerns, as the understanding of these chemicals’ links to health effects is still evolving. One resource is guidance the National Academy published in 2022 for physicians, which cites the “alarming” pervasiveness of PFAS contamination.

    That guidance recommended doctors offer blood testing to patients who live in high exposure areas. The panel also cautioned the results could raise questions about links to possible health effects that cannot be easily answered.

    People like Dolly Baker are at higher risk of kidney or other cancers, and thyroid problems, research shows.

    When Naymick started in Calhoun, chemical manufacturers knew about the potential dangers of forever chemicals, but the public did not. The doctor said she did her best to treat her patients while feeling powerless to understand why they were so sick.

    Then studies began to emerge in the 2000s showing high levels of forever chemicals in the Conasauga. In the 2010s, the first large health studies tied PFAS to issues with childhood development and the immune system.

    Naymick enrolled in environmental medicine training, which focuses on patients’ exposure to contaminants, among other factors. Through study, Naymick gained tools to investigate the area’s heavy industrial footprint she long suspected. She started looking for clues, including blood tests, that might help explain her patients’ problems. Soon she zeroed in on forever chemicals.

    In 2025, Dr. Barr’s group at Emory used Dr. Naymick’s clinic to draw blood. Naymick now thinks all her patients should get tested because of their high chance of exposure. But insurers rarely cover PFAS tests, and many of her clients can’t afford the hundreds of dollars they cost.

    As they wait, the full extent of the human toll in northwest Georgia remains unknown.

    The pollution continues

    This past June, more than a hundred people crammed into a barn in Chatsworth, about 10 miles east of Dalton.

    Law firms operating under the name PFAS Georgia had been testing properties across northwest Georgia.

    Nick Jackson, one of the attorneys, stood up to address the crowd, which was eager to hear about the contamination in their midst.

    “If you feel compelled to lift up your test results so that your neighbors could see, please feel free to do so at this time,” he said. At once, people raised signs displaying the levels found on their properties, many substantially above EPA health guidelines.

    PFAS Georgia has filed numerous lawsuits against chemical manufacturers and carpet makers since last June. Today the group represents dozens of residents and farmers in northwest Georgia who allege their properties are contaminated with PFAS from the carpet industry. The wave of litigation is the latest development in a legal saga that began a decade ago.

    In 2016, the eastern Alabama town of Gadsden filed the first of a series of municipal drinking water lawsuits against the carpet industry, accusing the mills upriver of contaminating its drinking water more than 100 miles away.

    Three years later, Rome filed its own lawsuit against the carpet industry, chemical companies and Dalton Utilities. The city’s water, drawn downriver from Dalton, had tested at over one-and-a-half times the EPA’s health advisories at the time. Rome estimated a new water treatment plant would cost $100 million, to be paid for by a series of steep rate increases.

    After several years of bitter litigation, Rome reached a series of settlements with carpet and chemical companies and the utility for roughly $280 million. None admitted liability.

    For many, the lack of state and federal PFAS regulations means the courts are their only chance for accountability.

    Georgia environmental officials have done little to regulate forever chemicals beyond drafting drinking water limits on two types of PFAS, deferring to their federal counterparts. The Trump administration’s EPA has said it intends to remove drinking water limits finalized by the Biden administration for some forever chemicals and is delaying limits on others until 2031.

    EPA said it is working on better PFAS detection methods. “EPA is actively working to support water systems who are working to reduce PFAS in drinking water,” an agency spokesperson said in a statement.

    In a statement, Georgia EPD pointed to testing it has done throughout the state. If PFAS is found above health advisory levels, the agency said it works to ensure safe drinking water is available.

    Last year, several northwest Georgia legislators proposed a state bill that would have shielded carpet companies from PFAS lawsuits. The lead sponsor, state Rep. Kasey Carpenter, R-Dalton, said legal action should target chemical makers, not carpet companies. The bill failed.

    Carpenter said he was not aware of the evidence showing the carpet industry knew of PFAS’ potential health risks and will consider it when he reintroduces the bill this year. He said, ultimately, he wants EPA to fix the contamination.

    “There needs to be some kind of federal deal where money’s dumped in for cleanup. That, to me, is a solution,” Carpenter said.

    The pollution continues. Dalton Utilities, in its own recent lawsuit against carpet and chemical companies, said PFAS applied long ago at the sprawling Loopers Bend land application system will continue to spread for the “foreseeable future.” The suit estimated PFAS contamination cleanup would likely exceed hundreds of millions of dollars.

    “The contamination that exists today is the result of the carpet industry’s use and application of PFAS and PFAS-containing products, purchased from chemical suppliers,” the utility said.

    Sludge spread by local municipalities to fertilize farms and yards over decades has pushed the crisis past the banks of the river and has heightened fears among some people over contamination in the local food supply.

    PFAS Georgia said it has collected more than 2,600 samples of dust, soil and water from hundreds of properties. The group said it has detected PFAS at levels exceeding EPA limits in over half of its water samples. No such limits exist for dust or soil, but the sampling has found the compounds at high levels in both, particularly in the dust inside people’s homes.

    “There’s nothing like northwest Georgia,” the group’s testing expert, Bob Bowcock, said. “I don’t know how we’re going to begin to tackle it.”

    Last year, Lisa Martin, the retired Mohawk manager, received her results from the Emory study. Her blood tested higher than most Americans for a type of PFAS used by the carpet industry.

    After she moved to Calhoun decades ago to work in carpet, Martin’s health declined. She has struggled with a suppressed immune system and long COVID. There were the nodules on her thyroid. She began to suspect PFAS.

    “What are the odds with my health that I’m going to live to old age?” said Martin, 64.

    Martin said she struggles with guilt from years of silence when she worked at Mohawk. Like many of her neighbors, she also wrestles with a sense of betrayal.

    “How many people have lost their health,” she asked, “because somebody made a decision not to do anything?”

  • When patients see the line between life and death, should we believe them?

    When patients see the line between life and death, should we believe them?

    After she dropped to her knees outside her home in Midlothian, Va., suffocating, after she was lifted into the ambulance and told herself, “I can’t die this way,” and after emergency workers at the hospital cut the clothes off her to assess her breathing, Miasha Gilliam-El, a 37-year-old nurse and mother of six, blacked out.

    What happened next has happened to thousands who’ve returned from the precipice of death with stories of strange visions and journeys that challenge what we know of science. Last year, a team of researchers from Belgium, the United States, and Denmark launched an ambitious effort to explain these experiences on a neurobiological level — work that is now being contested by a pair of researchers in Virginia.

    At stake are questions almost as old as humanity, concerning the possibility of an afterlife and the nature of scientific evidence — questions likely to take center stage at a conference of brain experts in Porto, Portugal, in April.

    “The next thing I knew, I was out of my body, above myself, looking at them work on me, doing chest compressions,” Gilliam-El said, recalling Feb. 27, 2012, the day she suffered a rare condition called peripartum cardiomyopathy. For reasons that aren’t fully understood, between the last month of pregnancy and five months after childbirth, a woman’s cardiac muscle weakens and enlarges, creating a risk of heart failure.

    Gilliam-El, who had given birth just three days earlier, recalled watching a doctor try to snake a tube down her throat to open an airway. She remembered staring at the machine showing the electrical activity in her heart and seeing herself flatline. Her breathing stopped.

    “And then it was kind of like I was transitioned to another place. I was kind of sucked back into a tunnel,” she said. “It is so peaceful in this tunnel. And I’m just walking and I’m holding someone’s hand. And all I’m hearing is the scripture, ‘Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death …’”

    While neuroscientists have discovered more and more about the inner workings of the brain in recent decades, a deep mystery still surrounds near-death experiences like Gilliam-El’s.

    Writing last year in the journal Nature Reviews Neurology, a research team led by Charlotte Martial, a neuroscientist at the University of Liège in Belgium, synthesized some 300 scientific papers focusing on commonalities across the following experiences: viewing one’s body from the outside, journeying through a tunnel toward a brilliant light, and experiencing a deep sense of peace. The authors linked these experiences to specific changes in the brain, creating a pioneering model called NEPTUNE (neurophysiological evolutionary psychological theory understanding near-death experience).

    Bruce Greyson and Marieta Pehlivanova, researchers at the University of Virginia School of Medicine, responded with a sweeping critique of the NEPTUNE model in the journal Psychology of Consciousness: Theory, Research, and Practice.

    While calling the model “an admirable strategy,” they wrote that aspects of such experiences cannot be explained solely by brain physiology, and they criticized the NEPTUNE authors for omitting evidence that did not support their ideas.

    Although this debate is taking place in the rarefied atmosphere of scientific journals and conferences, it is almost certainly one that has crossed the minds of most people.

    “This is not the digestive function of some lower life form we’re talking about here. These are implications that reach all of humanity,” said Jeffrey Long, a radiation oncologist and co-author of the 2011 book Evidence of the Afterlife: The Science of Near-Death Experiences.

    “Do we have some evidence?” he asked. “And how strong is that evidence that we have life after death, that our consciousness survives bodily death?” Long — who was not involved in either the NEPTUNE paper or the critique — said he has studied more than 4,000 near-death experiences.

    The NEPTUNE researchers cited several studies showing that about 10 to 23% of near-death experiences occur after a heart attack, 15% after a prolonged stay in intensive care and 3% after a traumatic brain injury. Others occur after electrocution, near drowning, and complications during childbirth.

    “For most of them, it’s a life-transforming experience,” Martial said. “Typically, they are less afraid to die [afterward].” They tend to develop greater interest in spirituality, she said, and can become more empathetic to others.

    To create the NEPTUNE model, scientists examined changes in gas concentrations in blood vessels in the brain: the decreased oxygen and increased carbon dioxide that occur just before and during a cardiac arrest.

    They cited studies suggesting that sensations resembling out-of-body experiences may be generated in the temporoparietal junction, a high-level hub for processing sensory information and helping distinguish the self from others. Studies indicate that applying electric stimulation to this area, located behind and just above the ear, could trigger an out-of-body experience, they wrote.

    Folded into their analysis were observations about brain chemistry, including the nerve cells and chemical messengers that regulate mood, sleep, and learning. Martial said the model is intended as a living document that can be revised as scientists learn more.

    But Greyson and Pehlivanova disputed key aspects of the model. They wrote that illusions triggered by electric stimulation are “nothing like the visions of deceased persons reported in [near-death experiences].” For example, one study reported inducing an illusion in which a patient felt the presence of a person behind them whom they could not see or hear.

    “This is not remotely comparable to the visions reported in many [near-death experiences] of identified deceased persons who are seen, heard, smelled, and touched,” wrote Greyson and Pehlivanova, who are, respectively, a professor emeritus of psychiatry and neurobehavioral sciences and a research assistant professor of psychiatry and neurobehavioral sciences.

    The two acknowledged that near-death experiences “are typically triggered by physiological events” but stressed that such events do not account fully for the experiences people have described. They faulted the NEPTUNE authors for dismissing evidence from patients’ near-death accounts and from hospital staff who have supported aspects of those accounts — for example, the number of people who were in the room during resuscitation.

    Scientists disagree on whether the stories patients tell constitute reliable scientific data.

    Near-death experiences have been described since antiquity, said Greyson. Researchers have been collecting and discussing accounts since at least 1892, when Swiss mountaineer and geologist Albert Heim discussed stories he’d collected since his own brush with death while climbing in the Alps.

    By their nature, these reports can be difficult to define and even harder to analyze with scientific rigor. In a 1983 paper, Greyson described a 16-item scale he developed for measuring accounts of near-death experiences and standardizing research into them.

    But the effort to impose rigor on the study of near-death experiences forces researchers into an uncomfortable zone that straddles the line between the scientific and the spiritual.

    “These stories are seductively powerful narratives that give hope to our deepest yearnings for consciousness beyond our death,” Kevin Nelson, an emeritus professor of neurology and retired chief of medical staff affairs at University of Kentucky HealthCare, wrote in an email. “I too have such hope, but with wax in my ears and science lashing me to the mast, I will not succumb to the siren’s song.” (Nelson was one of the authors of the NEPTUNE paper.)

    Greyson said the NEPTUNE researchers may dismiss the testimony of patients who have come close to dying “as not evidential, but the fact is that every scientific discovery begins with subjective observation that may eventually be corroborated by controlled experiment.”

    In addition to testing aspects of the NEPTUNE model, Greyson and Pehlivanova wrote that “it will also be important to remain open to other potential causes, whether currently unknown or not yet fully understood.”

    By necessity, most previous studies have involved researchers going back to patients after their near-death experiences to gather their accounts and medical records. But such retrospective studies are open to biases in how people remember such events after time has passed and how they have shared their accounts with others.

    However, Martial, the NEPTUNE researcher, said that she and three of her colleagues at the University Hospital of Liège are in the midst of a prospective study that involves tracking patients from the moment they are taken to the hospital’s resuscitation room. It will involve video footage recorded at the hospital as well as electroencephalograms that measure electrical activity in the brain.

    “When we die, this is a process — not just an event,” Martial said. “For example, during a cardiac arrest, we have a decrease of oxygen, which leads to a decrease of brain activity. But at some point, actually, we see an increase of electrical brain activity, and then we can observe a kind of flatline.”

    Gilliam-El, the nurse, remembered that her near-death experience ended when a powerful voice told her “Not yet,” and she felt herself return to her body. Everything looked blurry in the bright hospital room.

    She feared that if she told anyone what had happened, they wouldn’t believe her.

  • As cold-stunned invasive iguanas fall from trees, Floridians scoop them up for killing

    As cold-stunned invasive iguanas fall from trees, Floridians scoop them up for killing

    Ryan Izquierdo woke up on a recent morning groggy, cold and most of all ready — to go iguana hunting.

    Temperatures in Jupiter, Fla., where the 27-year-old social media star lives, had dipped well below 50 degrees, as a cold front swallowed much of the East Coast in snowfall and record-breaking low temperatures. As flurries fell on parts of the state, residents braced for the inevitable: Cold-stunned green iguanas — one of Floridians’ most reviled invasive pests — began to lose consciousness and fall out of trees.

    The dry, scaly deluge is a familiar forecast in those parts. These cold-blooded reptiles’ nervous systems shut down when temperatures dip into the 40s and below. They become paralyzed and fall from their leafy perches. This time, for some unlikely conservationists, as well as state officials, that meant killing season.

    In a first, officials capitalized on the paralyzed pests and told residents they could bring them in for disposal.

    “This is the first time we have organized a removal effort of invasive iguanas,” said Shannon Knowles, communications director for the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission (FWC).

    “South Florida has not experienced this level of cold weather in many years,” she added. “So we used this opportunity to remove this invasive non-native species from the landscape.”

    The commission issued an executive order that allowed people without permits to gather and transport the iguanas to one of several offices to be humanely killed, “or, in some cases, transferred to permittees for live animal sales.”

    Typically people can themselves humanely or painlessly do away with green iguanas when they see them, but they’re not allowed to transport them. Knowles added that people lined up, cloth bags and bins brimming with the lizards, to drop them off Sunday and Monday. While she said the commission did not yet have an official estimate, Izquierdo was floored by what he saw.

    “It was a madhouse,” Izquierdo said of the FWC site near Fort Lauderdale where he deposited about 100 iguanas Monday. “There were iguanas that were pushing six to six-and-a-half feet long. They look like dragons, absolutely crazy.”

    Green iguanas are a scourge of South Florida. First documented in the 1960s, their population has since exploded to, by some estimates, more than 1 million. They’ve wreaked havoc on the region’s infrastructure, burrowing holes around homes, sidewalks and seawalls. They’ve chewed through some of the state’s most crucial native plants such as nickerbean, which helps sustain the endangered Miami Blue butterfly.

    Izquierdo has been catching iguanas since he was 10 years old. In his grandmother’s backyard, he found them to use as fishing bait for peacock bass.

    “I’ve always loved nature and the outdoors,” he said.

    Now, he makes a living out of it as a content creator, documenting his fishing excursions around the world. But as the dipping temperatures created a new opportunity last weekend, he decided to temporarily pivot to the quest he dubbed “a Florida man Easter egg hunt for dinosaurs.”

    He jumped into his pickup truck and began hunting.

    In warm temperatures, iguanas are almost impossible to nab. You need either a gun or a 15-foot-long pole with an invisible lasso attached to it, Izquierdo said.

    “If you want to do iguana management, this is a good time to do it because they’re very vulnerable to removal,” said Frank Mazzotti, a professor of wildlife ecology at the University of Florida.

    But in the cold, chase proved easy and bountiful. “This is the most I’ve ever found,” he said. “We were practically almost stepping on them.”

    Despite the fun and viral Instagram reels, he’s not immune to the difficult decisions that come with maintaining a balanced ecosystem.

    “They’re animals, so people do have a soft spot in their heart for them and so do I because they’re really cool, especially the little baby ones,” Izquierdo said. “But you have to look at the bigger picture of things.”

    He’s passionate about making the most of a dead green iguana. On Monday night, he and his friends baked an iguana pizza, (delicious, he said, they’re nicknamed “chicken of the trees”) and he plans to use the skin and some meat for fishing lures and bait.

    On Tuesday morning, as the temperatures in Florida finally began to creep up to milder levels, Izquierdo sat in his truck, filled with about a dozen stunned iguanas, knowing his hours of hunting were numbered.

    “As the temperature starts climbing back up, it’s going to get back to normal,” he said. Two motionless lizards, a male and a female, lay in his lap. “Yeah, these iguanas will be back about their business.”

  • Gavin Newsom sat by his mother during her assisted suicide, and came to terms with anger and grief

    Gavin Newsom sat by his mother during her assisted suicide, and came to terms with anger and grief

    It was the spring of 2002 when Gavin Newsom’s mother Tessa, dying of cancer, stunned him with a voicemail. If he wanted to see her again, she told him, it would need to be before the following Thursday, when she planned to end her life.

    Newsom, then a 34-year-old San Francisco supervisor, did not try to dissuade her, he recounted in an interview with the Washington Post. The fast-rising politician was wracked with guilt from being distant and busy as she dealt with the unbearable pain of the breast cancer spreading through her body.

    Newsom’s account of his mother’s death at the age of 55 by assisted suicide, and his feelings of grief and remorse toward a woman with whom he had a loving but complex relationship, is one of the most revealing and emotional passages in the California governor’s book, Young Man in a Hurry: A Memoir of Discovery, which will be published Feb. 24.

    Newsom, a potential Democratic candidate for president, has seldom spoken of the chapter in his family’s life, which is likely to generate controversy if he enters the race. Assisted suicide, at the time, was illegal in California and remains illegal in all but 12 states and the District of Columbia, according to the advocacy group Death with Dignity.

    When that Thursday in 2002 arrived, Newsom and his sister Hilary did as his mother asked and sat by her bedside in Pacific Heights, Newsom said in an interview this week. He wanted her suffering to end, he said, but it would be years before he could forgive her for asking him to be there.

    “I hated her for it — to be there for the last breath — for years,” he said in an interview in San Diego this week. “I want to say it was a beautiful experience. It was horrible.”

    Forty-five minutes before the “courageous doctor” arrived to administer the medicine that would end her life, Newsom and his sister gave their mother her regular dose of painkillers to keep her comfortable, he said.

    When the doctor arrived, Tessa Newsom lucidly answered his questions and told him she was sure of her decision, Gavin Newsom said. Her labored breathing and the gravity of the moment became too much for Newsom’s sister. She left the room. Newsom stayed.

    “Then I sat there with her for another 20 minutes after she was dead,” he said, his voice breaking briefly and his eyes welling as he told the story. “My head on her stomach, just crying, waiting for another breath.”

    Despite his painful memories, Newsom said that he believes assisted suicide should be legal nationally, that people should have “the freedom to make that decision themselves.” California legalized the practice in 2015 with the “End of Life Option Act.”

    Six years after voters approved the practice, and two years after he became governor in 2019, Newsom signed a second bill that reduced the waiting period for a drug-induced suicide from 15 days to 48 hours and eliminated a requirement for a formal written declaration of intent at the end of the process. Last year, Newsom signed a third bill that eliminated a sunset clause in the 2015 bill, making assisted suicide legal in California indefinitely.

    When the bill came up in the California legislature, Newsom heard objections not only from churches and religious groups, but also from “the old Irish Catholic side of my family.”

    They were “up in arms about that bill, and obviously, by extension, by what my mom did,” he recalled. But Newsom said his own experience with his mother strengthened his support for the bill.

    “I watched the physical deterioration, the mental deterioration, just the cries of pain,” he said this week. “She would have just suffered.”

    Last year in an interview on the Diary of a CEO podcast, Newsom said he had no regrets about his role — “If you want to come after me, come after me, she needed to do it,” he said.

    Tessa Newsom worked three jobs to support her two children after her husband left, Newsom wrote in the book. His father, William Newsom, an attorney who became a judge, was the best friend of the billionaire Gordon Getty — and had for a time helped manage the Getty Trust. Their father’s friendship with the Gettys, which began in high school, created what Newsom described as a “surreal” double life for the two Newsom children, who joined their father and the Gettys during summer vacations that involved private jets, resorts and limousines.

    Tessa Newsom, a quiet but dominant force who shaped his work ethic, he said, did not approve of Newsom’s political ambitions.

    She urged him to stay immersed in his business, the PlumpJack Group, a wine and hospitality company that he founded in 1992.

    “Get out before it’s too late,” Tessa Newsom told her son after he had become a San Francisco supervisor in 1997 and was considering a 2003 run for mayor of San Francisco, which had been his father’s dream.

    She never fully explained the admonition. But William Newsom had also harbored political ambitions for a time — running for San Francisco county supervisor and state senator. And the younger Newsom learned years later, through an oral history his father recorded, that his electoral failures and subsequent debt had led to the unraveling of his parents’ marriage, Newsom said in an interview with the Post and in his book.

    Newsom — a father of four who is married to Jen Siebel, a documentary filmmaker — said his mother’s warning still haunts him.

    “I think about it any time when things are really going down — that she was right,” he said with a laugh. And while many people don’t believe that Newsom is still wrestling with whether he will run for president, his mother’s warnings are part of the quandary, he said.

    “I don’t think people are taking me as literally as they should. We’ll see what happens,” he said of a potential presidential run. “Every day, I just try to get better, and be a better husband, be a better father. I’ve got to take care of them, and I can’t do what my father did.”

  • The latest Epstein files are rife with uncensored photos and victims’ names, despite redaction efforts

    The latest Epstein files are rife with uncensored photos and victims’ names, despite redaction efforts

    NEW YORK — Nude photos. The names and faces of sexual abuse victims. Bank account and Social Security numbers in full view.

    All of these things appeared in the mountain of documents released Friday by the U.S. Justice Department as part of its effort to comply with a law requiring it to open its investigative files on Jeffrey Epstein.

    That law was intended to preserve important privacy protections for Epstein’s victims. Their names were supposed to have been blacked out in documents. Their faces and bodies were supposed to be obscured in photos.

    Mistakes, though, have been rampant. A review by The Associated Press and other news organizations has found countless examples of sloppy, inconsistent or nonexistent redactions that have revealed sensitive private information.

    A photo of one girl who was underage when she was hired to give sexualized massages to Epstein in Florida appeared in a chart of his alleged victims. Police reports with the names of several of his victims, including some who have never stepped forward to identify themselves publicly, were released with no redactions at all.

    Despite the Justice Department’s efforts to fix the oversights, a selfie taken by a nude female in a bathroom and another by a topless female remained on the site, their ages unknown but their faces in full view, as of Wednesday evening.

    Some accusers and their lawyers called this week for the Justice Department to take down the site and appoint an independent monitor to prevent further errors.

    A judge scheduled a hearing for Wednesday in New York on the matter, then canceled it after one of the lawyers for victims cited progress in resolving the issues. But that lawyer, Brittany Henderson, said they were still weighing “all potential avenues of recourse” to address the “permanent and irreparable” harm caused to some women.

    “The failure here is not merely technical,” she said in a statement Wednesday. “It is a failure to safeguard human beings who were promised protection by our government. Until every document is properly redacted, that failure is ongoing.”

    Annie Farmer, who said she was 16 when she was sexually assaulted by Epstein and his confidant, Ghislaine Maxwell, said that while her name has previously been public, other details she’d rather be kept private, including her date of birth and phone number, were wrongly revealed in the documents.

    “At this point, I’m feeling really most of all angry about the way that this unfolded,” she told NBC News. “The fact that it’s been done in such a beyond careless way, where people have been endangered because of it, is really horrifying.”

    Trump administration defends its Epstein files redaction efforts

    The Justice Department has blamed technical or human errors on the problems and said it has taken down many of the problematic materials and is working to republish properly redacted versions.

    The task of reviewing and blacking out millions of pages of records took place in a compressed time frame. President Donald Trump signed the law requiring the disclosure of the documents on Nov. 19. That law gave the Justice Department just 30 days to release the files. It missed that deadline, in part because it said it needed more time to comply with privacy protections.

    Hundreds of lawyers were pulled from their regular duties, including overseeing criminal cases, to try and complete the document review — to the point where at least one judge in New York complained that it was holding up other matters.

    The database, which is posted on the Justice Department website, represents the largest release of files to date in the yearslong investigations into Epstein, who killed himself in a New York jail cell in 2019 while awaiting trial on federal sex trafficking charges.

    Epstein files rife with missed or incomplete redactions

    Associated Press reporters analyzing the documents have so far found multiple examples of names and other personal information of potential victims revealed.

    They have also found many cases of overzealous redactions.

    In one news clipping included in the file, the Justice Department apparently blacked out the name “Joseph” from a photo caption describing a Nativity scene at a California church. “A Nativity scene depicting Jesus, Mary and (REDACTED),” it said.

    In an email released in the files, a dog’s name appeared to have been redacted: “I spent an hour walking (REDACTED) and then another hour bathing her blow drying her and brushing her. I hope she smells better!!” the email said.

    The Justice Department has said staff tasked with preparing the files for release were instructed to limit redactions only to information related to victims and their families, though in many documents the names of many other people were blacked out, including lawyers and public figures.

    Images remain uncensored

    The Justice Department has said it intended to black out any portion of a photo showing nudity, and any photos of women that could potentially show a victim.

    In some photos reviewed by The AP, those redactions did obscure women’s faces, but left plenty of their bare skin exposed in a way that would likely embarrass the women anyway. Photos showed identifiable women trying on outfits in clothing store dressing rooms or lounging in bathing suits.

    One set of more than 100 images of a young woman were nearly all blacked out, save for the very last image, which revealed her entire face.

  • A self-collected test allowed me to finally get cervical cancer screening

    A self-collected test allowed me to finally get cervical cancer screening

    If you have a cervix you may have felt a surge of relief — joy, even — when the American Cancer Society (ACS) announced its updated guidelines for cervical cancer screening in December. I know I did.

    The organization now allows for a self-collection test for human papillomavirus, or HPV, a sexually transmitted infection that causes almost all cases of cervical cancer, as an alternative to a more traditional clinician-collected test. For some women — including me — this endorsement means that we can finally access this lifesaving screening.

    Over the last decade, there have been notable changes in how and when women are screened for cervical cancer. The go-to method used to be the Pap smear, which involves inserting a speculum so that a provider can collect cells from the cervix, the lowest end of the uterus that connects to the vagina. Eventually, in 2020, the ACS began recommending that all women at average risk of cervical cancer start screening at age 25 with a clinician-collected HPV test.

    For the patient, the experience was the same for a Pap or HPV test: Your provider would still have you lie on your back with your feet in stirrups, insert a speculum, and use a swab to collect a sample of cells from your cervix. As someone with vaginismus — a condition that causes my vaginal muscles to involuntarily contract — it would have been impossible for me to get these done.

    Then, in 2024, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved self-collected HPV tests for use in healthcare facilities — meaning that women at average risk could opt to do a less-invasive self-swab of their vagina with their provider present. And in 2025, the FDA approved the first at-home tool, a wand made by Teal Health, to screen for cervical cancer, allowing women to collect the sample and mail it to a lab without even needing to visit their doctor. (If you have a personal history of cervical cancer or are at high risk, you may not be a candidate for self-collected testing).

    At 26, I was officially overdue for my first screen, so my doctor recommended I try the in-office self-collection test.

    What the self-collected HPV test was like

    Before self-collection became an option, I would lie on the exam table at my gynecologist’s office, put my legs in stirrups, and involuntarily clench at any touch. I was excited to try the self-collection test, but also skeptical that it would work for me.

    The self-swabs in the clinic looked manageable and controllable, something I could hold and insert myself. The handle was as narrow as a mascara wand, and the brush at the end was made of flexible plastic bristles that felt soft. Most importantly, it did not need to directly touch my cervix. It was less invasive, without the internal pressure that usually made my body tense. I inserted the swab about two inches into my vagina, rotated it for 30 seconds and then handed it to my doctor, who swirled it inside a vial with liquid solution.

    “That’s it?” I asked my doctor once she screwed the cap on the vial. “Is it for sure as accurate as a regular Pap smear?” Yes and yes, she assured me. I was in awe. There was a time earlier in life when my vaginismus made it feel impossible to even insert a tampon — I couldn’t believe I had completed an HPV test.

    My doctor mailed my sample to a lab, and I received the results in less than two weeks. My Pap smear came back normal with no signs of HPV. Even better, this meant I did not need to be tested again for another five years.

    Amy Banulis, an OB/GYN and associate medical director for Women’s and Maternal/Child Health at Kaiser Permanente in Virginia, said most women will be able to comfortably complete the self-collected test, even if they have vaginismus.

    “For those that still do have discomfort, there are relaxation techniques that can be utilized,” Banulis said. These could include progressive muscle relaxation, deep breathing, and imagery or visualization. If these tactics don’t make a difference, your OB/GYN can refer you to a pelvic floor physical therapist that may be able to help you with this, Banulis said.

    How effective it is compared to a traditional Pap

    The experience was so seamless that I actually worried something was wrong. What if I didn’t insert the swab high enough? I wondered when I got home. Would the results of the test still be reliable if, God forbid, I did not rotate it long enough? It almost felt too comfortable, so how effective was it really? Many women share the same concerns, but they don’t need to worry, said Jasmin Tiro, a professor of public health sciences at the University of Chicago.

    Many women who use the test say it’s easy to do and doesn’t hurt, Tiro said, adding: “It’s very hard to do it wrong.”

    It’s important to clarify that the self-collected HPV test is not the exact same test as a Pap smear or a clinician-collected HPV test, she said. The self-test collects vaginal cells, while the latter two tests use a sample of cervical cells. While a cervical sample can be tested for both HPV and abnormal cells (cancerous or precancerous), vaginal cells can only reveal if you have HPV, Tiro said.

    This means that a self-collected test may be only one part of the screening process, Tiro said. About 10% of women will screen positive for HPV, she said. If you get a positive HPV self-collected result, the next step may be a type of test or procedure that involves a pelvic exam to look for precancerous or cancerous cervical cells. That follow-up test is essential for the screening process to be effective, Tiro said.

    However, HPV does not always turn into cervical cancer; especially in people in their teens or early 20s, the virus often clears on its own without causing any health issues — which is why screening isn’t even recommended before 25. So depending on your age, your doctor may just want to retest you a few years later to see if you still have an HPV infection and determine then if that warrants further testing.

    My takeaway: We need to make screening more accessible

    I’m grateful for testing that is less invasive and painful, but I still find myself wondering why it took so long for us to arrive here. How many women would have been protected if our pain and concerns were not routinely diminished? In the past, I had doctors tell me, “Since you’ve had sex before, the speculum shouldn’t feel intimidating.” I became so used to people, including well-meaning physicians, questioning the validity of my pain. And I felt demoralized that I couldn’t even complete a test that was essential for detecting and preventing a disease that kills about 4,000 women in the U.S. each year.

    I also wonder what, if anything, can be done to ensure the new self-swab testing is accessible to all women who want or need it? When I asked Tiro, she told me that gathering more patient testimonials, developing patient-centered guidance for people who may still not want to complete the test, and devoting more research to the testing can all help. These are all things that physicians and researchers are actively working on.

    Personally, the self-collected HPV test has given me a sudden sense of agency, something I have rarely felt in a gynecologist’s office. My hope is that this alternative option can give other women greater control over their healthcare, too. Cervical cancer screening is an essential preventive care service. If you have trouble undergoing a Pap smear, ask for the alternative self-collection test. There is no shame, only power, in advocating for your health.

  • Joi Washington’s ‘whirlwind’ first weeks as mayor | Inquirer Greater Media

    Joi Washington’s ‘whirlwind’ first weeks as mayor | Inquirer Greater Media

    Hi, Greater Media! 👋

    What have the first few weeks of Joi Washington’s time as mayor looked like? We recently caught up with her to discuss her path to the office. Also this week, the former Providence Village general store, which has since turned into a single-family home, is for sale, Media has one of the region’s most romantic under-the-radar restaurants, plus a new cheesesteak joint is opening.

    We want your feedback! Tell us what you think of the newsletter by taking our survey or emailing us at greatermedia@inquirer.com.

    If someone forwarded you this email, sign up for free here.

    Joi Washington dives in headfirst as Media’s new mayor

    Joi Washington was sworn in as Media’s mayor last month.

    Joi Washington’s first few weeks as the mayor of Media have been a whirlwind. Less than three weeks after being sworn into office, the largest snow storm in years hit the region, forcing a snow emergency declaration and swift action on her part.

    While Washington might have had to dive into running the borough headfirst, she’s no stranger to Media or local government. Washington was elected to borough council in 2021 and is described by Media’s tax collector as being civically and politically engaged.

    The Inquirer’s Denali Sagner recently caught up with Washington to talk about what drew her to Media and what the last few weeks have looked like.

    💡 Community News

    • A historic five-bedroom Media home that was once the Providence Village general store is on the market for $785,000. The couple who live there expected to stay far longer than two years, but when one of them landed a dream job, those plans changed. Spanning over 4,300 square feet and three stories, the home has a newly renovated kitchen and a formal dining room with built-ins and a fireplace. Take a peek inside.
    • The Delaware County housing market got a slow start to the year, with pending sales down 4% as of Jan. 25, compared to the same time a year ago, according to new Redfin data. While home sales were slow, prices were on the rise, with median sale prices in the county and Philadelphia up 10% from the same timeframe last year.
    • Riddle Hospital was recently ranked among America’s 250 Best Hospitals by Healthgrades. The rankings, released last week, are awarded to the top 5% of institutions in the nation for “overall clinical excellence.”
    • Speaking of Riddle, the hospital is expanding its gastroenterology care this month, offering routine screenings, digestive issue care, and minimally invasive treatments.
    • Delaware County Council recently voted to increase the hotel occupancy tax for non-residents from 3% to 5% beginning April 1. The county projects the change will result in $6.4 million in revenue this year, funds which will be used to support the marketing of Delaware County elsewhere. The increase comes ahead of an anticipated influx of visitors to the region for events like the FIFA World Cup, the MLB All-Star Game, the PGA Championship, and celebrations for the nation’s 250th birthday. The hike also puts Delco on par with neighboring Bucks and Chester Counties.
    • L.L. Bean is targeting an early May opening for its Glen Mills store. The apparel retailer is opening a 20,000-square-foot store in the Concordville Town Centre at 901 Byers Dr., taking over the former Staples space.
    • The future of the Eddie Bauer location at The Shoppes at Brinton Lake in Glen Mills is uncertain with the outdoor apparel brand’s parent company planning to file for bankruptcy. When it does, most stores are expected to close. (Retail Dive)

    🏫 Schools Briefing

    • Some Rutledge Elementary School students were left standing in freezing temperatures last week after a miscommunication over an earlier bus pickup time. Wallingford-Swarthmore School District said it has reviewed its protocols to ensure it won’t happen again. (Fox 29)
    • In the Wallingford-Swarthmore School District, tonight kicks off performances of Strath Haven Middle School’s musical, The Music Man, which runs through Sunday. Tomorrow and Saturday, Strath Haven High is hosting the Pennsylvania Music Educators Association District 12 band festival, which includes a free concert at 7 p.m. on Saturday.
    • In the Rose Tree Media School District, Glenwood Elementary is hosting its Olympics opening ceremonies on Monday. There are Valentine’s parties for Indian Lane kindergartners on Wednesday and Media Elementary kindergartners on Thursday. The high school is also holding a student blood drive next Thursday. See the full calendar here.

    🍽️ On our Plate

    • After spending months converting the former House space at 110 S. Jackson St., Jackson St. Steaks is hosting its grand opening next Wednesday. Its menu includes cheesesteaks, pizzas, cutlet and focaccia sandwiches, grinders, and burgers, as well as drinks from Fishtown-based Meyers Brewing Co.
    • Looking for a great date night spot? La Belle Epoque in Media is one of the region’s under-the-radar romantic dining spots, according to The Inquirer’s food reporters. It has an extensive wine list, bistro-style entrees like steak frites, and a dining room befitting Emily in Paris. If you really want to impress your date, try the escargots de Bourgogne, pan-roasted duck, or bucatini, reporter Beatrice Forman suggests.
    • Amid shifting dining habits and increasing food costs, Harvest Seasonal Grill recently made changes that its leadership team said are paying off. Instead of raising prices, the restaurant, which has a location in Glen Mills, changed some of its meat and seafood sourcing and did away with garnishes to slash prices. The result has been an increase in visitors and revenue that founder Dave Magrogan said doesn’t sacrifice quality.

    🎳 Things to Do

    🩰 Ballet of Lights: Tickets are going fast for this take on Cinderella, which gives the classic fairytale a little extra shine thanks to dancers performing in glow-in-the-dark costumes. ⏰ Friday, Feb. 6, 9 p.m. 💵 $43-$69 📍The Media Theatre

    🎭 And Then There Were None: See the Agatha Christie classic come to life on stage. ⏰ Friday, Feb. 6-Sunday, Feb. 8, and Thursday, Feb. 12-Saturday, Feb. 14, times vary 💵 $21.50-$23.50 📍Players Club of Swarthmore

    🏛️ I Love Media Day: The borough event includes a scavenger hunt to find hidden hearts. There will also be board games, snacks, and bingo. Advanced registration is required. ⏰ Saturday, Feb. 7, 10 a.m.-9 p.m. 💵 Free 📍Downtown Media

    ❤️ Galentine’s Brunch: Towne House is hosting a themed brunch that includes dueling pianos. ⏰ Sunday, Feb. 8, noon-3 p.m. 💵 $40; minimum purchase of four tickets 📍Towne House, Media

    💌 Dear Jack, Dear Louise: Catch the regional premiere of Ken Ludwig’s show about an unlikely courtship between two strangers exchanging letters during World War II. ⏰ Wednesday, Feb. 11-Sunday, March 1, times vary 💵 $20-$35 📍Hedgerow Theatre, Rose Valley

    🏡 On the Market

    A split-level Wallingford home with two family rooms

    The updated kitchen has an island with pendant lights.

    Located in Sproul Estates, this split-level home has hardwood floors throughout its main level, including the living room, eat-in-kitchen, and family room, which has a vaulted ceiling and a fireplace. It has an additional family room at ground level and three bedrooms upstairs. Other features include a walk-up attic, a patio, and a one-car garage.

    See more photos of the home here.

    Price: $625,000 | Size: 2,219 SF | Acreage: 0.33

    🗞️ What other Greater Media residents are reading this week:

    By submitting your written, visual, and/or audio contributions, you agree to The Inquirer’s Terms of Use, including the grant of rights in Section 10.

    This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.

  • Letters to the Editor | Feb. 5, 2026

    Letters to the Editor | Feb. 5, 2026

    Election security

    With the midterm elections about eight months away, President Donald Trump is doing his damnedest to undermine the public’s faith in our electoral process. He used his speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, to tell the whole world the Big Lie about his winning the 2020 election. And now he is sending the FBI to Atlanta to look for evidence of fraud in the 2020 Georgia election.

    But apparently, these tactics are not enough to reassure Trump of a Republican victory in 2026. He wants access to voter rolls in Atlanta and in Minneapolis, where the governor and mayor have refused his bribe: relief from the invasion of armed U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents. We can only speculate on how the personal information contained in voter rolls might be used to manipulate voters.

    So what can be done to protect the integrity of our elections? State election officials — Democrats and some Republicans — are taking steps to ensure election security. And we, as citizens, can help by encouraging our friends and neighbors to exercise their right to vote and by reporting to local election officials any interference with voters accessing the polls or casting their ballots.

    Susan Reisbord, Philadelphia

    Apt comparison

    I read the article headlined “Philly DA Larry Krasner says ‘don’t be a wimp’” after Gov. Josh Shapiro decried Mr. Krasner’s comparison of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents to Nazis, and am in agreement with Mr. Krasner. It is indeed appropriate to compare ICE agents to “Nazis.” There is ample historical precedent for this comparison. The protofascist Freikorps that were used by the government to suppress socialists and communists grew into the Sturmabteilung, or SA, which was the paramilitary force initially used by the NSDAP, or Nazi Party, to terrorize Jews, Roma, socialists, and others who opposed the party. What we see now in several largely Democratic cities under siege by ICE is highly reminiscent of what the Freikorps and SA did during the gradual loss of the nascent democracy that was Weimar-era Germany. Our governor and Sen. John Fetterman would do well to consider what my childhood rabbi, Joachim Prinz, stated in 1963, as mentioned in the article: “The most urgent, the most disgraceful, the most shameful, and the most tragic problem is silence.” They should be calling ICE for what it is: a fascist paramilitary force that operates outside the law.

    David Toub, Wyncote

    . . .

    When the now-familiar photo of 5-year-old Liam Conejo Ramos being detained by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent was published, it immediately brought to mind the iconic image taken in 1943 of a small boy — no more than 7 or 8 years old — with his arms raised in surrender as Nazi soldiers clear the Warsaw Ghetto during the 1943 uprising.

    I see no reason to apologize to anyone for drawing that parallel — nor do I understand the outrage that accompanied Larry Krasner’s statement making the same comparison.

    Mark Turetsky, Lower Gwynedd

    Join the conversation: Send letters to letters@inquirer.com. Limit length to 150 words and include home address and day and evening phone number. Letters run in The Inquirer six days a week on the editorial pages and online.