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  • A rowdy Eagles-49ers game led to Eagles Court, where the hardest part was ‘keeping a straight face’

    A rowdy Eagles-49ers game led to Eagles Court, where the hardest part was ‘keeping a straight face’

    He told the judge that he was from Scranton and began to explain where the town is located in Pennsylvania.

    “I know where Scranton is,” said Seamus McCaffery, the judge presiding in the courtroom tucked into the basement of Veterans Stadium.

    The man was a rabid Eagles fan but had never been to a game. His work was running a trip — tickets to see the Birds and free food and drinks on the bus ride there — to South Philadelphia. He was in.

    But the only thing he could remember, he told McCaffery in December 1997, was that he drank so much on the bus that he had to be carried to his seat. He was soon surrounded by Philadelphia police and handcuffed.

    “They put me in a jail cell, three hours later I appeared in front of you, and I missed the entire game,” the man told McCaffery. “And my bus went back to Scranton without me.”

    There was a courtroom for three games in 1997 in the bowels of Veterans Stadium, an attempt to curb what had become an unruly scene every week. McCaffery, a municipal court judge who operated a night nuisance court in the city, volunteered to be the judge.

    He ruled on everything from fights in the stands to underage drinking to public urination to a guy from Scranton who missed his bus home. It was Eagles Court.

    “The hardest part sometimes was keeping a straight face,” McCaffery said.

    Seamus P. McCaffery, Philadelphia municipal court judge, at the Vet with his gavel in 1997.

    A flare at the Vet

    “How do you plead?” McCaffery asked a 19-year-old man after he was charged with trespassing at the Vet in 2003.

    “I plead stupidity,” he said.

    “Is that aggravated stupidity or simple stupidity?” the judge said.

    “Whatever the lesser charge is. I was an idiot.”

    The man was acquitted.

    On Nov. 10, 1997, Jimmy DeLeon, a municipal court judge, was watching from home when a blowout loss to the 49ers on Monday Night Football became more about what was happening in the stands. There were over 20 fights, a gang of fans broke a man’s ankle, two folks ran onto the Vet turf, and a New Jersey man was arrested after firing a flare across the stadium.

    The concrete and steel fortress at Broad and Pattison had long been a haven for rough and rowdy football fans. There was the time the fans stole the headdress from the Washington fan who dressed like a Native American. And the whistling Cowboys fan who was chased out of the 700 Level.

    “It was a nightmare,” said Bill Brady, a retired traffic cop who spent game days patrolling the 700 Level. “Fights galore. People passed out in the bathroom. One of the security guys up there used to box in the Blue Horizon. It was nothing but aggravation. You’d have roll call in the police room and go up to the 700 Level. By the end of the day, you were beat up.”

    But this Monday night game against the 49ers was too much. The flare gun — the man said he saw people firing them in the parking lot and then brought one into the Vet — became national news as Philadelphia’s unruly stadium was now portrayed as a war zone.

    DeLeon called McCaffery as the two volunteered as judges in the city’s nuisance night courts, a program in which people who committed “quality of life crimes” such as loitering, underage drinking, and curfew violations would be brought immediately to a judge and receive a fine. DeLeon told McCaffery that they had to do something about the Vet.

    Judge Seamus McCaffery going over the night’s paperwork in 1996 with his wife, Lisa Rapaport, who was standing in for the court clerk, who was ill that day.

    “He was right on it,” DeLeon said. “He took it over.”

    McCaffery was soon in a meeting with Jim Kenney — the future mayor who was then on City Council — along with Eagles owner Jeffrey Lurie and president Joe Banner.

    “I was a Flyers guy at the time, so I really wasn’t paying much attention to who Joe Banner and Jeff Lurie were,” McCaffery said. “But they said, ‘We need to do something for our image.’”

    The night nuisance court was Kenney’s idea, and he thought it could work at the Vet. Arrested fans could be charged immediately, plead guilty, and be issued a fine by a judge.

    Too often, an arrested fan would fail to show up to a court date and nothing more would happen. The city didn’t spend the resources to chase down fans from the 700 Level. McCaffery said it was a fine idea, but the stadium didn’t have a courtroom.

    “Without missing a beat, Jeff Lurie said, ‘We’ll build you a courtroom here,’” McCaffery said.

    Eagles court judge Seamus McCaffery patrolling the 700 level at Veterans Stadium with security staff behind him.

    Made for Netflix

    “To be honest, I just wanted to see the game,” a man told McCaffery after being ejected and then arrested for sneaking back in. He was fined $198.50.

    A maintenance room used by the Phillies in the stadium’s basement became a legitimate courtroom with public defenders, district attorneys, and flags.

    “This was not a kangaroo court,” said McCaffery, who was not paid to be in the courtroom.

    On Nov. 23, 1997, during a game against the Steelers, the first defendant at Eagles court was a 38-year-old from Delaware wearing a Starter jacket. Later that afternoon, a 34-year-old from Pennsauken pleaded not guilty to punching another fan. It was an elbow to the chin, he told the judge.

    There were 20 fans arrested that game, and McCaffery doled out 18 fines ranging from $158.50 to $300.

    “This would be something that would be great for Netflix,” said Anthony “Butch” Buchanico, who was a sergeant in South Philly’s Fourth District and oversaw the courtroom. “People would come in their 20s and 30s crying and begging for mercy.”

    The fans were warned before the game on Phanavision that “on-site court proceedings will be presided over by the Honorable Judge Seamus McCaffery.” Everyone booed, McCaffery said.

    The police had undercover officers enter the seating bowl dressed as opposing fans. If anyone confronted the “opposing fan,” a crew of police would intervene and McCaffery would have another case to hear. It was an operation.

    The stadium was infamous for its concrete-like playing surface, but the upper deck of the “Nest of Death” was even more foreboding.

    “I would be on the field and there would be fights in the 700 Level where players from both teams would look up and watch the fights,” Buchanico said. “It was insane. If you were faint of heart, you didn’t go up to the 700 Level. The people up there, that was their territory. They loved it.”

    The fan who shot the flare was from New Jersey, and McCaffery likes to say that the majority of the people he saw in Eagles Court lived outside Philadelphia. He thought Eagles Court would be a way to prove that it wasn’t Philadelphians who made the Vet a madhouse.

    A 700 Level sign at the Vet.

    “Here’s our city, here’s Philadelphia on national news getting beat up and berated, and the vast majority aren’t from here,” said McCaffery, now 75, who grew up in Germantown after his family moved from Northern Ireland when he was 5. “People are thinking that we’re nothing but a rowhouse, trash city and it galled me.”

    McCaffery said he got hammered in the press but didn’t care. A sportswriter called him “Shameless McCaffery” but was then “kissing my [butt]” a few years later when he saw what the judge was doing.

    The arrested fans would be brought down to the basement where McCaffery did more than just issue a verdict.

    “They’d march them up to the court and Judge McCaffery would berate them,” Buchanico said. “The majority of people weren’t from Philadelphia, and that really bugged the judge.

    “He would say, ‘Why don’t you do this where you live? Are you proud of yourself? Get out of here.’ Then he would say, ‘Guilty. $300 fine. Pay now’ ‘I don’t have any money.’ ‘Well, there’s a MAC machine in the hallway.’”

    Don Wilson of North Philadelphia bares his chest as he cheers for the Eagles on Jan. 19, 2003, during the last football game at Veterans Stadium.

    Something to gloat about

    “I was washing my hands,” a man told McCaffery after he was arrested for urinating in a Vet sink.

    A judge cannot accept a plea from someone who is intoxicated, and McCaffery said no one was ever drunk in his courtroom.

    “I mean, who knows?” said DeLeon, who joined McCaffery and Rayford Means as the original judges of Eagles Court. “They were just bringing them in.”

    The arrested fans appeared in Eagles Court just hours after their arrest — or longer if they needed to sober up — which meant they were still wearing whatever they wore to the Vet.

    “Some of them would be bare-chested, and half their body was coated in green and the other half was coated in white,” DeLeon said. “Some people would have green faces. Back then, the people came ready for the game as if they were participants in the action. So they’d dress accordingly. We had some guys in helmets and shoulder pads. It was the ’90s.”

    Municipal court Judge Seamus McCaffery talks with the media before the start of an Eagles game in 1997.

    The court moved after the 1997 season to the Third District police precinct, and arrested fans would be driven from the stadium to 11th and Wharton Streets. And the arrests eventually slowed down so much that McCaffery saw just one case during one of the Vet’s final games in the 2002 season. Perhaps this was proof that Eagles Court made the stadium a safer place.

    “Did it deter them? No,” Brady said. “They took it like a joke. Something to gloat about.”

    The Eagles gave McCaffery a tour of Lincoln Financial Field before it opened in 2003, proudly showing him their enhanced security features and the cameras that could zoom in on every fan in the stadium. The judge could tell that Eagles Court would soon be phased out.

    “The Linc is a church compared to what the Vet was,” said Buchanico, whose father patrolled the sidelines with Andy Reid as the team’s head of security.

    McCaffery resigned from the state Supreme Court in 2014 after he acknowledged sending pornographic emails to state officials. He heard his last Eagles Court case in 2003 but is still known more than 20 years later as the judge from the Vet. He stopped that trial with the fan from Scranton and asked to talk to the police captain at the sidebar.

    The judge quietly told the captain to drive the man to the bus station and gave him the money to buy his fare home.

    “I turned around and said, ‘This officer here is going to give you a ride to the Greyhound bus terminal. There’s a bus that will take you to Scranton and you’re going to get on it,’” McCaffery said. “‘The next time you come down to an Eagles game, show up sober. This matter is discharged. Not guilty.’”

    The man left the stadium’s courtroom and was thrilled even though he missed the entire game.

    “Years later, I’m campaigning for Supreme Court justice and where do you think I am? Scranton, Pennsylvania,” McCaffery said. “Who do you think comes up to me at a big rally? The same guy.”

  • New Jersey’s Petty’s Island, now owned by Venezuela’s Citgo, will soon belong to major conservative donor’s firm

    New Jersey’s Petty’s Island, now owned by Venezuela’s Citgo, will soon belong to major conservative donor’s firm

    New Jersey has long coveted Petty’s Island, 300 acres in the Delaware River off Pennsauken, as a potential environmental and recreational haven with its grand views of Philadelphia.

    Originally the hunting grounds of Native Americans, the island was later farmed by Quakers. Folklore claims pirate landings and an overnight stay by Ben Franklin. In more recent years, redevelopment proposals envisioned a hotel and golf course before the state’s embrace of a nature preserve.

    Citgo Petroleum Corp. — the Houston-based refining arm of Venezuela’s national oil company — has owned the island for 110 years, leaving a legacy of pollution from oil storage and distribution.

    Now recent international events and a court ruling on Citgo have clouded the island’s immediate future while underscoring the reach of the petroleum industry.

    Formerly, it was the site of Fuel storage (center) for the Venezuelan oil company Citco.

    Late last year, U.S. District Court Judge Leonard Stark in Delaware approved Amber Energy as buyer of Citgo’s Venezuelan parent company through a sale of shares to settle billions in debts, concluding a process that began in 2017. Amber Energy bid $5.9 billion in a court-organized auction.

    Citgo owns a network of petroleum infrastructure that some analysts say could be worth up to $13 billion, according to the Wall Street Journal.

    Venezuelan officials immediately denounced the sale as “fraudulent” and appealed the decision. Citgo is a subsidiary of Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA).

    However, on Jan. 3, the U.S. captured Venezuela President Nicolás Maduro and brought him to the U.S. to face narco-conspiracy charges. He has pleaded not guilty.

    It is no longer clear whether Venezuela will continue with an appeal. President Donald Trump has said the U.S. is now running that country and is mapping out a vision for its vast crude oil reserves.

    So it’s likely Amber Energy, an affiliate of activist hedge fund Elliott Management, will soon close on the arrangement to own Citgo — and presumably Petty’s Island.

    Elliott Management was founded by Paul Singer. He or his firm have contributed tens of millions to political campaigns or groups, including Trump’s 2024 presidential campaign.

    Amber Energy, through a spokesperson Braden Reddall, declined to comment this week. Reddall, however, noted in an email that the “transaction involving Citgo has not yet been completed.”

    Citgo has long been working to eventually donate the island to the New Jersey Natural Lands Trust, which is overseen by the state Department of Environmental Protection (DEP).

    The DEP declined to comment.

    Map of Petty’s Island in the Delaware River, north of the Benjamin Franklin Bridge.

    Citgo and Petty’s Island

    Petty’s Island was originally inhabited by the Indigenous Lenni-Lenape people, and stories abound about its history, according to a DEP website for the trust. The island was once owned by William Penn.

    In 1678, then-owner Elizabeth Kinsey, a Quaker, struck a deal to buy it from the Lenni-Lenape and allowed them to continue hunting and fishing — provided they agreed not to kill her hogs or set fire to her hayfields.

    There are other tales of Blackbeard the pirate docking there and even Benjamin Franklin spending a night on the island, which was eventually named after John Petty, an 18th-century trader from Philadelphia.

    The island had been used for farming, trading, and shipbuilding until Citgo, then an American company, began buying land there in 1916, continuing to do so until it owned the entire island by the 1950s. Venezuela’s PDVSA acquired ownership of Citgo in the 1980s.

    In the early 2000s, the oil company sought to donate the island to New Jersey as a nature preserve, aligning with environmental efforts to conserve the land, which includes habitats for bald eagles, kestrels, and herons.

    But in 2004, the state’s Natural Lands Trust rejected an offer from Citgo for a conservation easement under political pressure to develop it.

    At the time, a development company in Raleigh, N.C., had planned a golf course, a hotel and conference center, and 300 homes for the island, which offers views of Philadelphia and Camden, but that proposal was abandoned.

    In 2009, the Natural Lands Trust, created by the New Jersey Legislature to preserve land and protect nature, finally voted to accept the island from Citgo.

    Then-Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez heralded the plans at the Summit of the Americas.

    An informational sign for Petty’s Island, seen in the distance, at Cramer Hill Waterfront Park in Camden.

    What is Elliott Management?

    Singer, who leads Amber Energy’s parent company Elliott Management, was the seventh-largest donor in the 2024 election cycle, according to Open Secrets, a research group that tracks money in U.S. politics. That put him in a top 10 list that included Elon Musk, Timothy Melon, and Jeffrey Yass.

    Singer contributed $43.2 million, with almost all going to conservative causes, including a $5 million contribution to Make America Great Again Inc., a super PAC that supports Trump. And $2 million went to the Keystone Renewal PAC to support conservative candidates in Pennsylvania.

    The order for the sale of Citgo to the arm of Singer’s hedge fund was the last major legal step to wrap claims by up to 15 creditors that began in 2017 for debt defaults.

    The deal is expected to close in coming months. Amber Energy plans to retain the Citgo brand.

    Petty’s Island (right) as seen by drone, Friday, Jan. 9, 2026. The 292-acre land sits in the Delaware river near the border between Pennsylvania and New Jersey. It is located between the Betsy Ross and Ben Franklin bridges. Formerly it was the site of Fuel storage for the Venezuelan oil company Citco.

    What’s happening on the island now?

    Currently, the New Jersey Natural Lands Trust holds a conservation easement for the island that prevents any development.

    The state’s goal is to turn the island into an urban nature reserve with an environmental center, according to the Center for Aquatic Sciences in Camden, which is partnering with the trust in the endeavor.

    Public access to the island is permitted only as part of scheduled programs. The trust has built a main trail along the southern perimeter and added connector trails for a total of two miles. It has installed 13 exhibits and kiosks along the trails.

    Transfer of the title of the island ultimately depends on Citgo, which is responsible for removing the petroleum infrastructure and cleaning up contamination.

    But before Citgo can turn the title over to the trust, the DEP must certify that the land is cleaned to state standards, according to the most recent information available on the DEP website for the trust.

    Last year, Citgo agreed to place $13.3 million in a trust fund to remediate “all hazardous substances, hazardous wastes, and pollutants discharged,” on the island.

    If Amber Energy assumes all liabilities of Citgo, it would presumably be responsible for the cleaning and transfer of title under the conservation easement.

    Reddall, the spokesperson for Amber Energy, declined to comment on the cleanup.

  • Abington Library has offered a safe space for LGBTQ+ kids for years. It’s now the subject of a far-right social media campaign.

    Abington Library has offered a safe space for LGBTQ+ kids for years. It’s now the subject of a far-right social media campaign.

    For more than four years, dozens of LGBTQ+ kids and their families have joined the Abington Township Public Library for Rainbow Connections, a monthly Zoom program, to read children’s books, craft, make new friends, and meet interesting people, such as “Jeopardy!” super champ Amy Schneider.

    But within the past week, the program — the only one of its kind in Montgomery County libraries — has become a target of a right-wing social media campaign that has circulated misinformation and directed threatening language at the program, prompting the library to release a statement Monday setting the record straight, said Library Director Elizabeth Fitzgerald in an interview Tuesday.

    “Rainbow Connections is not a sexual education class. Sexual health, reproduction, puberty, and intimate relationships are not discussed,” the statement said in part.

    Though it’s “not different from any other story time or library program,” Fitzgerald says, Rainbow Connections’ mission is to foster a welcoming and intentional environment for LGBTQ+ kids in grades K-5, including those who may be struggling to make friends at school. Its virtual format has allowed families from around the country to join.

    “Ultimately just a space where the kids could attend a library program and feel safe,” Fitzgerald said.

    Comments attacking the program appeared on the library’s Facebook page early last week. A day later, LibsofTikTok, a controversial far-right social media account founded by Chaya Raichik, as identified by the Washington Post, posted about Rainbow Connections.

    LibsofTikTok, which frequently targets LGBTQ+ people nationwide, spurred misinformed outrage from its millions of followers about the program’s upcoming events.

    The account’s posts have often provoked real-life consequences. In 2024, after posting about the William Way Community Center, an LGBTQ+-focused nonprofit in Philadelphia, Democratic Sen. John Fetterman and former Democratic Sen. Bob Casey signed a letter requesting to withdraw federal funding from a renovation project that would have made the center’s headquarters more accessible and expanded William Way’s programming space.

    “These are difficult times, and I think that the commentary that took off on social media underscores the reason why we need to create spaces where members of the LGBTQ community feel safe,” Fitzgerald said.

    Library staff established the program in November 2021 after a community member reached out and asked if the library would help address a need for a safe space for LGBTQ+ kids.

    According to anonymous comments from families provided by the library to The Inquirer, parents are profoundly grateful for the safe environment that Rainbow Connections has created for their children. Names were withheld by the library to protect families’ safety and privacy.

    “My children live in a two-mom household, so I thought it would be a great program to connect with other kids and possibly see other families that look like ours,” one parent said.

    Another parent said they had “tears in my eyes listening to [the kids] introduce themselves, awed by their bravery and vulnerability.”

    A family who lives in North Carolina said Rainbow Connections helped their child better understand their identity and build community — “Your program brought us light, hope and education when we were feeling isolated, confused and hopeless.”

    The social media ambush against Rainbow Connections comes amid an increasingly hostile environment for the LGBTQ+ community. For instance, President Donald Trump signed an executive order recognizing only two genders, and his administration has proposed a plan to prevent hospitals from offering gender-affirming care to minors.

    In Abington, it’s not the first time that events related to the LGBTQ+ community have been disparaged, said Township Commissioner John Spiegelman, who represents the area where the public library is located. The township’s yearly raising of the Pride flag has provoked a lawsuit against Spiegelman and other members of the board, he said.

    “Is it getting worse here and everywhere? Certainly it is,” Spiegelman said.

    In the aftermath of the social media posts, Fitzgerald said Rainbow Connections will be contacting parents to say the program will continue and that “their safety is ensured.”

    “It is my hope that the children who participate don’t have any idea that this is going on,” Fitzgerald added.

    Since the online backlash, the Montgomery County community has rallied around the library and Rainbow Connections, which has served as a model for other Pennsylvania libraries’ programming for LGBTQ+ youth.

    “More communities should embrace programs like Rainbow Connections,” said Jason Landau Goodman, board chair of the Pennsylvania Youth Congress, an LGBTQ+ advocacy organization, in a statement. “Young students today read books that feature all types of people because diverse stories reflect the real world we live in.”

    “Some students experience bullying or harassment based on who they are — and many still do not get opportunities to see themselves reflected in the stories they learn from,” added Goodman, who is also running for state representative in Montgomery County.

    The Abington Human Relations Commission said in a statement Monday that they stand in “solidarity” with the library and encouraged community members to “seek information directly from reliable sources and to engage in dialogue grounded in respect and understanding.”

    Fitzgerald said that in spite of the derogatory comments snowballing online, the library has been receiving an onslaught of supportive calls and emails.

    “That’s really meant the world to us,” she said. “Just to know that the people who don’t want this program to exist, they’re a vocal, small, nonlocal majority, and that I believe there’s a much larger number of residents who love the library and who care about their neighbors and fellow community members.”

  • The race between Josh Shapiro and Stacy Garrity for Pa. governor has officially begun. Here’s what you need to know.

    The race between Josh Shapiro and Stacy Garrity for Pa. governor has officially begun. Here’s what you need to know.

    Pennsylvania’s race for governor has officially begun. And 10 months before the election, the November matchup already appears to be set.

    Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro formally announced his reelection campaign Thursday — not that anyone thought he wouldn’t run. And Republicans have rapidly coalesced behind the state party’s endorsed candidate, Pennsylvania Treasurer Stacy Garrity.

    The race will dominate Pennsylvania politics through November, but it could also have a national impact as Democrats hope Shapiro at the top of the state ticket can elevate the party’s chances in several key congressional races.

    Here’s what you need to know about the high-stakes contest.

    The candidates

    Josh Shapiro

    Shapiro is seeking a second term as Pennsylvania’s top executive as he’s rumored to be setting his sights on the presidency in 2028. Just weeks after his campaign launch, Shapiro will head to New York and Washington, D.C., as part of a multicity book tour promoting his memoir.

    Shapiro was first elected to public office in 2004 when he flipped a state House seat to represent parts of Montgomery County. As a freshman lawmaker, he quickly built a reputation of brokering deals across party lines. He went on to win a seat on the Montgomery County Board of Commissioners in 2011, flipping the board blue for the first time in decades.

    Shapiro was elected state attorney general in 2016, a year when Pennsylvania went for Republican Donald Trump in the presidential contest. The position put Shapiro in the national spotlight in 2020 when Trump sought to overturn his loss in the state that year through a series of legal challenges, which Shapiro’s office successfully battled in court.

    He went on to decisively beat Trump-backed Republican State. Sen. Doug Mastriano for the governorship in 2022. Despite an endorsement from Trump, Mastriano lacked the support of much of Pennsylvania’s Republican establishment and spent the election cycle discouraging his supporters from voting by mail.

    Throughout Shapiro’s first term as governor, he has highlighted his bipartisan bona fides and ability to “get stuff done” — his campaign motto — despite contending with a divided legislature. His launch video highlights the quick reconstruction of I-95 following a tanker explosion in 2023.

    In 2024, Shapiro was vetted as a possible running mate for then-Vice President Kamala Harris, who ultimately snubbed the Pennsylvanian in favor of Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz. Harris went on to lose the state to Trump.

    Stacy Garrity

    Garrity is Shapiro’s likely opponent in the general election. She earned an early endorsement from the Pennsylvania Republican Party in September after winning a second term to her current position in 2024 with the highest total of votes in history for a state office, breaking a record previously held by Shapiro.

    She has been quick to go on the attack against the Democratic governor in recent months. Throughout Pennsylvania’s monthslong budget impasse Garrity criticized Shapiro’s leadership style and panned the final agreement he reached with lawmakers as fiscally irresponsible.

    Garrity’s campaign has focused on contrasting her priorities with Shapiro’s, arguing the governor is more interested in higher office than he is in Pennsylvania.

    A strong supporter of Trump, Garrity is one of the only women that has been elected to statewide office in Pennsylvania history. If elected, she would be the first female governor in state history.

    Garrity is a retired U.S. Army colonel who was executive at Global Tungsten & Powders Corp. before she was elected treasurer in 2020. Running a relatively low-key state office, Garrity successfully lobbied Pennsylvania’s General Assembly to allow her to issue checks to residents whose unclaimed property was held by her office, even if they hadn’t filed claims requesting it.

    Anyone else?

    While Shapiro and Garrity are the likely nominees for their parties, candidates have until March to file petitions for the race. That theoretically leaves the possibility of a primary contest open for both candidates, but it appears unlikely at this point.

    Mastriano, who ran against Shapiro in 2022, spent months floating a potential run for governor against Garrity. He announced Wednesday that he would not be seeking the Republican nomination.

    The stakes

    Why this matters for Pennsylvanians

    The outcome of Pennsylvania’s gubernatorial race could hold wide-ranging impacts on transportation funding, election law, and education policy, among other issues.

    The state’s governor has a powerful role in issuing executing actions, setting agendas for the General Assembly, and signing or vetoing new laws. The governor also appoints the secretary of state, the top Pennsylvania election official who will oversee the administration of the next presidential election in the key swing state.

    Throughout the entirety of Shapiro’s first term, he has been forced to work across the aisle because of the split legislature. Throughout that time the balance of power in Harrisburg has tilted toward Democrats who hold the governor’s mansion and the Pennsylvania House. But many of the party’s goals — including expanded funding for SEPTA and other public transit — have been blocked by the Republican-held Senate.

    If Garrity were to win that dynamic would shift, offering Republicans more leverage as they seek to cut state spending and expand school voucher options (while Shapiro has said he supports vouchers, the policy has not made it into any budget deals under him).

    Shapiro’s ambition

    Widely rumored to have his sights set on higher office, Shapiro’s presidential ambitions may rise and fall with his performance in his reelection campaign.

    Shapiro coasted to victory against Mastriano in 2022, winning by 15 points. The 2026 election is expected to be good for Democrats with Trump becoming an increasingly unpopular president.

    But Garrity is viewed as a potentially stronger opponent to take on Shapiro than Mastriano, even though her political views have often aligned with the far-right senator.

    When the midterms conclude, the 2028 presidential cycle will begin. If Shapiro can pull off another decisive win in a state that voted for Trump in 2024, it could go a long way toward aiding his national profile. But if Garrity wins, it could end the governor’s chances of putting up a serious campaign for the presidency in 2028.

    Every other race in Pennsylvania

    The governor’s contest is the marquee race in Pennsylvania in 2026. Garrity and Shapiro have the ability to help or hurt candidates running for Pennsylvania’s statehouse and Congress.

    The momentum of these candidates, and their ability to draw voters to the polls could play a key role in determining whether Democrats can successfully flip four competitive U.S. House districts as they attempt to take back the chamber.

    Democrats also narrowly hold control of the Pennsylvania House and are hoping to flip three seats to regain control of the Pennsylvania Senate for the first time in decades. If Democrats successfully flip the state Senate blue, it would offer Shapiro a Democratic trifecta to push for long-held Democratic goals if he were to win reelection.

    Strong Democratic turnout at the statewide level could drive enthusiasm down-ballot, and vice versa. Similarly, weak turnout could aid Republican incumbents in retaining their seats.

    The dates

    The election is still months away but here are days Pennsylvanians should put on their calendars.

    • May 4: Voter registration deadline for the primary election.
    • May 19: Primary election.
    • Oct. 19: Voter registration deadline for the general election.
    • Nov. 3: General election.
  • The Eagles’ toughest playoff opponent won’t be the 49ers or Rams or Seahawks. It’ll be themselves.

    The Eagles’ toughest playoff opponent won’t be the 49ers or Rams or Seahawks. It’ll be themselves.

    Is anyone on or around the Eagles having any fun? It doesn’t seem that way. It hasn’t seemed that way all season. Sure, Jordan Davis has a personality as big and buoyant as he is, and Brandon Graham’s return from retirement has brought some effervescence back to the locker room. But on the whole, things have been pretty dour, or at least kind of grave and serious and humorless, for a team that’s coming off a championship.

    The examples are everywhere. Jalen Hurts has won a Super Bowl, was named the most valuable player in that Super Bowl, plays his best in the Eagles’ most important games, and has a smile that would stop a beauty shop. Yet in public, he often has a demeanor that suggests that, if he so much as grinned, his face would split open down the middle. Before he left the lineup because of his foot injury, Lane Johnson had not spoken after a game since the Eagles’ loss to the New York Giants on Oct. 9, when he called out the team’s offense for being “too predictable.” Not exactly Once more into the breach, dear friends stuff.

    Hurts’ relationship with A.J. Brown has been a source of speculation and tension for months. Brown has made his feelings about getting the ball — or, more accurately, not getting the ball — plain on social media, and his complaints sparked a ridiculous discussion about whether the Eagles might/should trade him in the middle of this season. Adoree’ Jackson and Kelee Ringo have, at various times, been considered the single worst cornerback in team history, as if Izel Jenkins, Nnamdi Asomugha, or Bradley Fletcher had never lined up against a decent receiver and immediately been burnt like toast. And if you want to be the ultimate Debbie Downer at a friendly get-together, just say the words Kevin Patullo, and you’re bound to start one of the partygoers ranting like a wing nut online influencer. Hell, your house might even wind up covered in egg yolk.

    Eagles quarterback Jalen Hurts, the Super Bowl LIX MVP, has come under criticism this season.

    The point here is not to suggest that the Eagles have been beyond criticism. Of course they haven’t. The point is that their entire season has felt like one of their offensive possessions. It has been a generally joyless slog that, even when it leads to a good outcome — a touchdown, a victory, a second straight NFC East title — hasn’t inspired much optimism or hope that the team will repeat or sustain that success.

    You don’t need to be a gridiron genius or a Philly sports sociologist to understand why. There are plenty of cities and markets where, if a team won a Super Bowl in the manner that the Eagles did last season — winning 16 of its final 17 games, dominating the conference championship game and the Super Bowl itself — the celebratory buzz would last for years. Championship? Who needs another championship? We just won one! That backup long-snapper never has to buy a drink in this town again.

    Philadelphia is not one of those cities or markets. Here, winning is the most addictive of drugs, and when it doesn’t happen, or when it doesn’t happen in the most satisfying manner, the entire region goes into a collective withdrawal, and a more powerful hit — a higher high — is required for everyone to level off.

    From Eagles fans to the players themselves, there has seemed to be an ever-present blanket of expectations weighing on them. It’s as if the only thing that would make anyone happy and relieved at any moment this season would be another Super Bowl victory — a benchmark so lofty that it virtually guarantees people will be worried at best and miserable at worst unless the Eagles win every game 49-0.

    Jeffrey Lurie and his Eagles are chasing that Super Bowl glow again.

    The one person who appears to acknowledge this dynamic, and appears to be fighting against it, is Nick Sirianni. He has spoken since the middle of last season about his attempts to “bring joy” to every practice, every game, every day of work, as if to lighten the burden that his staff and players were bearing.

    “In professional football,” he said recently, “there are all these pressures, these ups and downs and everything like this, but we got into this game because we loved it. I think that’s a really important thing. In the world, you can let things beat you down a lot and not really give knowledge to all the things you have going on that are really good.”

    Hanging on a wall in Sirianni’s office is a photograph of him and his three children. The photo was taken after the Eagles’ 20-16 victory over the Cleveland Browns last season — the game after which Sirianni brought the kids into his postgame news conference and was criticized bitterly for it. I did some of the criticizing, and I stand by it. The gesture was silly and tone-deaf at the time, mostly because the Eagles were 3-2 and playing terribly and Sirianni’s career-dissipation light was flickering. No one was about to give him or them the benefit of the doubt then.

    But now that they have won a championship, it’s easier to see that moment as part of a continuing effort by a head coach to keep the pressure of meeting that standard from crushing his team. In that way, the Eagles’ toughest opponent in this postseason won’t be the San Francisco 49ers or the Los Angeles Rams or the Seattle Seahawks or whatever team they meet in Super Bowl LX if they happen to make it that far. Their toughest opponent will be, and has been all along, themselves.

  • How to recycle your old electronics the right way, according to e-waste experts

    How to recycle your old electronics the right way, according to e-waste experts

    If you got an iPhone, smart TV, or laptop as a holiday gift, you may be facing the age-old dilemma of what to do with your old electronics.

    Or maybe you’ve already thrown your now-outdated device in the kitchen junk drawer to languish for years alongside flip phones from the early aughts.

    “People want to do the right thing, but they don’t know what to do,” Joe Connors, CEO of the Pennsylvania-based secure e-waste recycler CyberCrunch. Something like an old TV “often ends up in their basement or in their garage.”

    There is a better way to bid adieu to these electronics, experts say, and it’s not even that complicated.

    “It’s easier than people think,” said Andrew Segal, head of operations at eForce Recycling in Grays Ferry. “A lot of people scratch their heads, [saying] ‘I don’t know what to do with this stuff.’ … [But] there are plenty of electronics recyclers out there.”

    The industry has grown in recent decades, particularly after state laws began governing e-waste recycling in the early 2000s.

    Let experts answer your questions about how to responsibly dispose of old electronics.

    Can I put TVs, phones, and other electronics out with my regular trash or recycling?

    Electronics can’t be picked up with regular trash or recycling, but they can be taken to places like Philadelphia’s sanitation services centers.

    That’s a resounding no.

    Throwing out electronics is technically illegal in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and consumers can face fines for disposing of e-waste. As of January, 25 states and D.C. have such laws on the books.

    Leaving TVs and other large electronics outside also poses environmental risks.

    “The screens wind up getting cracked, and they get rained on, and that all can wash up into the waterways,” Segal said. “It’s not good.”

    Only put electronics on the curb if you have arranged a pickup with a certified recycler, experts say.

    It can be difficult to find a company that will pick up electronics, e-recycling executives say. Some said they used to recommend the service Retrievr, but it recently paused its Philly-area services indefinitely. If a consumer does find such a service, they say it’s likely to come at a cost.

    If an electronic is too heavy to lift alone, and you don’t want to pay for a pickup, experts recommend asking neighbors, friends, or relatives to help get the item into the car. Once you get to a collection site, they say, workers can usually take it from there.

    So what should I do with old electronics?

    Electronics are stacked on pallets at the Greensburg, Pa., facility of CyberCrunch, an electronics recycling and data destruction service, as pictured in 2022.

    Take it to a certified electronics collection site.

    “Google ‘e-waste recycling’ and see what options exist” in your area, said Tricia Conroy, executive director of Minneapolis-based MRM Recycling, which helps electronics manufacturers recycle sustainably. “Most phone carriers will recycle on the spot.”

    Other programs and services vary by location, Conroy said.

    Philadelphians can drop off items for free at any of Philadelphia’s sanitation convenience centers. And in New Jersey, you can search free sites by county at dep.nj.gov/dshw/rhwm/e-waste/collection-sites.

    Elsewhere, you can search for township or county e-recycling events. You can also bring electronics to Goodwill Keystone Area stores, Staples, or Best Buy to be recycled. Call or go online to check a store’s specific e-recycling policy before making the trip.

    North Jersey-based Reworld waste management helped design Goodwill’s program in 2024 to “address a gap in Pennsylvania’s electronics recycling infrastructure,” spokesperson Andrew Bowyer said in a statement.

    “Prior to its launch, many counties, including densely populated areas around Philadelphia, had limited or fee-based options for recycling electronics — particularly bulky items like televisions — which often led to illegal dumping.”

    Consumers can also make appointments to drop off devices at places like CyberCrunch in Upper Chichester, said Connors, whose company specializes in data-destruction, e-waste recycling, and reuse.

    About 90% of CyberCrunch’s business comes from commercial clients, Connor said. But the Delaware County warehouse, he said, accepts drop-offs from consumers, usually for no fee (with the exception of TVs, which cost money to sustainably discard, Connors said).

    What should I do before I recycle an old smartphone, computer, or smart TV?

    Consumers should take care to remove data from old smartphones before they are recycled, industry experts say.

    Delete all data, experts say.

    “Most people, once [a device] leaves their hands, they don’t think about it,” Connors said. And “people don’t think that bad things are going to happen.”

    But consumers’ digital information gets stolen every day in increasingly creative ways, Connors said.

    To be safe, Connors recommends people remove the SIM cards from all old smartphones, whether they’re sitting in a junk drawer or heading to an e-recycling facility. SIM cards hold much of a user’s important, identifying data. On iPhones, SIM cards are located in a tray on the side of the phone and can be removed by putting a straightened paper clip or similar tool into the tiny hole on the tray.

    When removing data from an old laptop, Connors recommends more than a factory reset. Take it to a professional who can wipe the computer clean entirely, he said.

    Don’t forget to also remove data from old smart TVs, where users are often logged into multiple apps, including some like Amazon that are connected to banking information, Connors said.

  • AI will drive the economy in 2026, for better or worse, economist says

    AI will drive the economy in 2026, for better or worse, economist says

    It seems like it is déjà vu all over again. The economy is growing, people are getting rich, and we are assuming the next great economic engine of growth, AI, will keep on keeping on.

    Unfortunately, history has shown us that growth, when it is not well diversified, can meet an untimely and difficult end.

    In the 1980s to early 1990s, savings and loan institutions teetered on the edge of failure. Many crashed and burned and so did the economy.

    In the second half of the 1990s, the dot.com mania spurred enormous investment — until the bubble burst, taking the economy with it.

    The mid-2000s gave us the housing bubble and the over-leveraging of the financial sector. The resulting near-total-meltdown of the world’s financial system led to the Great Recession.

    And now the economy has become dependent on artificial intelligence (AI), which has exploded with the creation of generative AI programs, new chip technologies, rapidly advancing robot technology, and the need for data centers.

    Will AI lead to an extended period of growth, or will we discover it was just another bubble?

    AI turned tepid growth into decent growth in 2025

    The economy grew moderately last year, but it needed significant help from the rush to cash in on AI.

    Spending on new data centers, servers, software, infrastructure, chip production, and everything else that goes into creating and supporting the AI computing capacity is estimated to have accounted for roughly 25% of GDP growth in the first half of 2025.

    When you account for the secondary expenditures by the public sector on things such as roads, utilities, and energy capacity, the AI capital expenditure binge impact on growth was even greater, as much as 30%.

    But there is more.

    AI-driven labor productivity gains are just starting to appear. It is hard to estimate how much AI has or will add to output per worker. But it will.

    Essentially, AI likely boosted 2025 growth from a tepid 1.5% to about 2%.

    This year, AI-related activity could be the most important driver of growth.

    Has the AI exuberance reached bubble status?

    AI has kicked the nation’s competitive spirits into high gear, pulling in capital similar to the way dot.coms did during the high-tech bubble.

    Every major tech company is spending or planning to spend at levels not seen before. The approach is simple: Spend big or pack it in.

    The problem is, we have no idea who or if there will be any big winners in the race to the top of the AI world.

    And we don’t know how long the winners can stay at the top of the mountain. The pace of innovation has accelerated to the point where leaders could be taken down in a much shorter time period than previously.

    Until then, the racers are being rewarded royally. And that is a worry.

    The Morningstar US Market Index measures most of the stocks traded. Last year, the tech and communication services sectors accounted for almost 60% of the index’s rise. Chipmaker Nvidia by itself accounted for about 12% of the total market’s gains.

    When it comes to the equity markets, it has been all about AI and its associated industries.

    That raises the question: Are the equity markets suffering from what former Fed Chair Alan Greenspan called “irrational exuberance?”

    The answer to that question will not be known for a while. As Greenspan noted, it is really difficult to determine whether a bubble exists or has reached a dangerous level until it has actually burst.

    He also recognized that slowly letting the air out of the bubble is exceedingly difficult without causing a recession. Greenspan’s successor, Ben Bernanke, learned that lesson all too well when he thought the housing market was headed for a soft-landing. Whoops.

    That’s the fear. The dot.com bubble was not a problem until it was a really big problem. Housing was not a problem until it was an even bigger problem and nearly took down the world economy.

    Now, few believe the concentration of growth in AI is a problem.

    What does this all mean?

    There are some lessons we can learn from the tech collapse.

    Dot.coms were going to change the world and guess what, they did! It’s just that there were too many of them and some were too far ahead of the times. Some had brilliant ideas that didn’t survive the competitive meat grinder. Some just ran out of money, especially when the bubble started to burst.

    And some just had products or services that were readily reproducible by competitors. Being first in or early leaders didn’t ensure survival. Remember BlackBerry, AOL, Netscape, and Myspace?

    Will we wind up with so many competitors that the demand cannot support all of them?

    Unlike the tech bubble, the other bust periods don’t tell us much.

    The S&L crisis was due to regulatory changes that essentially made those financial institutions zombies. That is not the case now.

    The housing bubble bursting caused a financial crisis because the sector became way overleveraged. The regulators were asleep at the switch. It’s not clear how regulation fits into today’s situation.

    Most of the companies fighting the AI survival of the fittest test are massive and at least for now financially capable of carrying on the fight for an extended period.

    But there is a problem that the Federal Reserve faced when the financial crisis reached its peak: Are there companies that are too big to fail?

    Few thought the biggest banks could be taken down so easily, but almost all needed bailout funding to survive.

    And that is my concern. The tech behemoths need to show the value of AI to the economy as a whole. They need to start generating real earnings this year. And they need to show that having a data center on every corner is a sustainable business model.

    AI holds out great hopes for the economy, but significant risks as well. Those hopes will be confirmed if at the end of the year we are saying “AI that” instead of “Google that.”

  • Good intentions don’t build housing in Philly, and mediocre campaigns don’t win races in Pa. | Shackamaxon

    Good intentions don’t build housing in Philly, and mediocre campaigns don’t win races in Pa. | Shackamaxon

    This week’s column looks into what happens when City Council members try to use a bad practice to serve the public good, and the beginning of Pennsylvania’s gubernatorial race.

    Good intentions

    In the first few months of this column, much of the toughest criticism has been leveled at Councilmembers Jeffrey “Jay” Young and Cindy Bass. While every district legislator participates in the tradition to some degree, these two have been the most egregious practitioners of councilmanic prerogative, which gives district Council members absolute discretion over land use and transportation questions within their districts.

    Even worse, Young and Bass often struggle to offer coherent explanations for their actions. Over the past few years, I have spoken with a range of community members, local politicos, and development experts who have expressed total bewilderment about what exactly it is the pair is seeking to accomplish.

    That’s not the case with 3rd District Councilmember Jamie Gauthier. Her values are clear. When Gauthier leans into prerogative, she’s not seeking to micromanage minor decisions. She even went as far as creating an exemption for her entire district that removes the need to secure a city ordinance for outdoor dining. Gauthier legislates because she wants to produce more affordable housing and prevent displacement. In many ways, it is a bold and admirable approach.

    Still, when it comes to public policy, good intentions are not enough.

    University Place Associates is planning a 495-spot parking garage in Councilmember Jamie Gauthier’s district in West Philadelphia.

    Middling MIN

    Gauthier’s signature policy is her push for what she’s called the Mixed Income Neighborhoods overlay, or MIN. The policy, enacted in parts of both Gauthier and Councilmember Quetcy Lozada’s 7th District, builds off an existing city program, the Mixed Income Housing Bonus. Under the bonus program, developers could exceed current zoning limits in exchange for supporting affordable housing. This could be done either by building affordable units or by making a payment to the city’s housing trust fund.

    MIN, however, is mandatory. It also does not come with any bonuses. For larger development projects (10 or more units), builders are required to set aside 20% of the units for low-income households. The idea is to increase the city’s stock of statutorily affordable housing, promote income integration, and allow poorer households to move to and remain in high-opportunity areas, all without costing the city a dime.

    All of that sounds wonderful … in theory.

    In practice, things have not panned out the way advocates had hoped. Instead of producing significant amounts of affordable housing, the zoning requirements have stifled development overall. Of the 18 major projects considered by the city’s Civic Design Review Board, only two are located within the boundaries restricted by the policy. One of those projects doesn’t include any housing at all, instead supplying nearly 500 parking spots adjacent to the Market-Frankford Line.

    In an interview with Gauthier last fall, she told me she would stand by the results of MIN against the voluntary program or any other zoning program in the city of Philadelphia. Planning Commission data, however, tells a different story. In 2024, the most recent year studied, the MIN resulted in the completion of just five affordable units. The bonus program, on the other hand, created 63 affordable units and generates millions of dollars in bonus payments.

    This, of course, only looks at one factor, which is the impact on affordable housing programs. It doesn’t answer the question of how many market-rate units would have been built without the requirement. Housing costs no longer affect just the poorest, as 90% of Americans live in counties where home prices and rents rose faster than income. For most people, whether they are University of Pennsylvania students or longtime residents, this private market is where they will find housing. Without enough construction to meet demand, prices will continue to rise.

    The experience of cities like Austin, Texas, where rents are falling despite a surging population, demonstrates that new construction can help alleviate that pressure.

    There’s also the economic impact. Development projects employ skilled workers and provide money for the city’s affordable housing programs. Without more research, we have no idea how much MIN has impacted city coffers. Before Gauthier’s program expands to more communities, the city should undertake a comprehensive investigation.

    State Treasurer and Republican candidate for governor Stacy Garrity holds a rally in Bucks County at the Newtown Sports and Events Center in September.

    Maximum meh

    With State Sen. Doug Mastriano officially out and Gov. Josh Shapiro officially in, the Pennsylvania governor’s race has begun. With no other Republicans or Democrats expressing an interest in the position, a November matchup between Shapiro and State Treasurer Stacy Garrity looks certain.

    Shapiro’s campaign launch video begins as you’d expect, with the rapid reconstruction of I-95 after a fire damaged several lanes in 2023 — a reminder of how the governor gets, uh, stuff done.

    Garrity, who announced all the way back in August, has a steep challenge on her hands. Besides Tom Corbett, no Pennsylvania governor has lost a reelection bid since the ban on consecutive terms was dropped from the state constitution in 1967. Shapiro has a record $30 million on hand for his reelection bid, three times more than what he started with four years ago, the previous record. He also has a 3-0 record in statewide elections and a 60% approval rating.

    This means Garrity will need to sell voters on her own ideas, rather than just banking on people souring on Shapiro. So far, it is worth asking what those ideas are.

    As treasurer, Garrity’s main job is to manage the commonwealth’s bank accounts, not exactly the kind of thing that stirs the electorate. Garrity’s campaign video focuses on her biography, which notes her service in Iraq. It also lines up multiple hits on Shapiro, including on his not-entirely subtle pining for the presidency. But when it comes to the biggest issues facing Pennsylvanians, Garrity has yet to supply any answers.

    Instead, the challenger used an interview with CBS 21 in Harrisburg to declare that Pennsylvania is “mediocre.” So far, that label seems more appropriate for Garrity’s campaign consultants than the commonwealth.

  • A Scranton neighborhood group put up a ‘hometown hero’ banner for Joe Biden outside his childhood home. Controversy ensued.

    A Scranton neighborhood group put up a ‘hometown hero’ banner for Joe Biden outside his childhood home. Controversy ensued.

    When a Scranton neighborhood group decided to honor Joe Biden with a “hometown hero” banner outside the 46th president’s childhood home recently, they expected a little bit of blowback.

    But members of the Green Ridge Neighborhood Association say they’re dumbfounded by the number of complaints and even threats, both locally and abroad.

    “Someone in Guam has been very vocal,” Roberta Jadick, the association’s secretary, said beneath the banner on North Washington Avenue on a recent snowy weekday.

    “Hometown Heroes” banners first appeared in Harrisburg in 2006, according to the program’s website, and they’ve become ubiquitous in small-town and suburban Pennsylvania. Most appear as black-and-white photos of men and women in uniform, thousands of veterans honored in nearly every corner of the Commonwealth.

    While most of the banners honor veterans, no rule prohibits municipalities, civic groups, or veterans’ groups from honoring others, said Laura Agostini, president of the Green Ridge group. Some towns have put up banners of high school athletes or law enforcement officials.

    “I mean, teachers are heroes, aren’t they?” Jadick said.

    The banner on North Washington Avenue near Biden Street depicts the former president in a suit, with the title “Commander in Chief, U.S. Armed Forces, 2021-2025″ written beneath it. Agostini said the group was aware that “Commander in Chief” was a civilian title.

    A banner featuring former president Joe Biden as a “hometown hero” has sparked controversy in Scranton. The neighborhood group that put it up plans to vote on its future Monday after getting criticism from veterans.

    Agostini said the initial blowback was political but that the issue “morphed” into a veterans’ issue.

    “We never intended to portray him as a veteran,” Agostini said. “There’s only been 46 presidents in the United States, and each one had a hometown, and we thought this is a unique honor.”

    A Dec. 21 Facebook post about the banner by the Green Ridge Neighborhood Association received nearly 250 comments, ranging from supportive to critical to crude.

    “He’s an embarrassment!” one commenter wrote.

    A similar controversy erupted in 2021, when a four-lane highway in Scranton was renamed President Joe Biden Expressway.

    Biden was born in Scranton in 1942 and lived there on and off, and he repeatedly mentioned Scranton as a formative place. A plaque outside the home where Biden lived with his maternal grandfather, Ambrose Finnegan, said he moved out when he was 10 years old.

    A Hometown Heroes banner honoring the Finnegans is just one light pole down from Biden’s. No one from the Hometown Heroes Banner Program returned requests for comment on Wednesday.

    One local veteran, Andy Chomko, said he doesn’t have a problem with Biden being honored in Scranton, but his banner should not look like veterans’ banners.

    “It’s a great thing that he lived here and had roots here,” Chomko said. “But the banner makes it look like he’s a veteran, and every one of those people on those other banners put their lives at risk for their country.”

    Navy veteran Harold Nudelman told WNEP-16 that Biden “didn’t put his life on the line.”

    “Don’t portray him as a veteran. He didn’t serve. He didn’t take that oath to serve as we did,” he told the news station.

    Chomko, who served in Iraq and Afghanistan with the Army, believes the Green Ridge group should remove the banner and “rethink it.”

    That could happen after Monday, the group will vote on the future of the banner at a public meeting.

    “I would say the vast majority of people support it or really don’t care,” Agostini said. “I don’t take any of this lightly, though, and while we were hoping it would be dying down, we’ll have an open discussion about it.”

    Jadick said the banner was never meant to divide the public even more than it is.

    “If Trump was from here, he’d have a banner up after he was out of office,” she said. “This is where Joe Biden is from. Those are his uncles on the other banner.”

    A banner featuring former president Joe Biden as a “hometown hero” has sparked controversy in Scranton. The neighborhood group that put it up plans to vote on its future Monday after getting criticism from veterans.
  • In dozens of cases, Philly’s federal judges have found Trump’s mandatory detention policy unlawful

    In dozens of cases, Philly’s federal judges have found Trump’s mandatory detention policy unlawful

    Federal judges in Philadelphia have ruled dozens of times against a Trump administration policy that mandates detention for nearly all undocumented immigrants — joining a nationwide wave of decisions criticizing the government for applying the policy in unlawful ways.

    In the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, U.S. District Judge Juan R. Sánchez wrote in a memorandum this week that more than 40 people who have been detained in the region under that policy, which was rolled out by Immigration and Customs Enforcement last summer, have sought relief in the courts — and judges have ruled against the government in every case.

    Chief Judge Wendy Beetlestone was even more blunt in an opinion filed last month, writing that “the law is piled sky high against the government’s position” to mandate detention and deny bond hearings for all undocumented immigrants — even those seeking to stay here via appropriate legal channels.

    The administration’s insistence on employing the policy and defending it in court, Beetlestone wrote, was akin to the Greek myth of Sisyphus pushing a boulder up a hill.

    “The Government’s hope, presumably, is that if it keeps pushing the boulder of its argument up the hill, at least one judge may rule against the weight of the authority,” Beetlestone wrote. “But the tale before the courts is the traditional one of Greek mythology: the Government returns again and again to push the same theory uphill, only for courts to send it rolling back down again.”

    The pushback has added to a chorus of similar decisions in courts nationwide. Sánchez, appointed by George W. Bush, wrote in his memo that people challenging their detention in federal district courts “have prevailed, either on a preliminary or final basis, in 350 … cases decided by over 160 different judges sitting in about fifty different courts spread across the United States.”

    A Politico analysis of court dockets published this week put that tally even higher, reporting that over the last six months, more than 300 federal judges — comprising appointees of every president since Ronald Reagan — have ordered some form of relief in mandatory detention cases to about 1,600 challengers.

    Spokespeople for ICE did not reply to questions about the judicial rebukes, and many of the government’s court filings in cases challenging detention have been made under seal.

    Still, the Trump administration has made no secret of its desire to boost the number of people in federal immigration detention. And the mandatory detention policy has helped push the number of confined immigrants past 65,000, a two-thirds increase since Trump took office in January.

    Lilah R. Thompson, an immigration attorney in the community defense unit at the Defender Association of Philadelphia, said in an interview that mandatory detention “plainly violates the law and is an illegal policy.” But she said most challenges to it so far have come in individual cases, and the potential legal avenues seeking to strike it down nationwide are protracted and legally complex.

    In the meantime, Thompson said, the government has seemed content to use the policy in its attempt to apply pressure to immigrants and, ultimately, increase deportations.

    “[Authorities] are applying a blanket policy because when people are in detention, they aren’t able to withstand the horrors of detention,” Thompson said. “It makes their circumstances much more difficult.”

    A dramatic change in precedent

    ICE’s detention mandate was rolled out amid the Trump administration’s aggressive push to crack down on immigrants nationwide.

    It came as the Board of Immigration Appeals — the highest administrative body for interpreting the nation’s immigration laws — issued three precedential rulings that made it dramatically harder for detainees to be released on bond.

    In one of those rulings, the board held that immigration judges lack the power to hear or grant bond requests to people who entered the United States without permission — even if they had been in the country for years, or had few other infractions that might warrant detention as their cases wound through the immigration system.

    That upended decades of established government practice, which typically allowed otherwise law-abiding people who entered the country illegally to at least receive a bond hearing and determine if they could remain in the community as their cases moved forward.

    The decision also meant that thousands of detained immigrants who previously would have been eligible for bond hearings could be released only if they filed and won a federal lawsuit.

    For many detainees that created an impossible situation because they have neither a lawyer nor the money to hire one.

    “There are so many people that are getting picked up [under] the unlawful mandatory detention policy, but because they don’t have an attorney to file a [legal challenge], they’re still experiencing the consequences of the policy,” said Maria Thomson, another attorney in the Defender Association’s community defense unit.

    Officials at the federal Executive Office for Immigration Review, which oversees the BIA, declined to answer questions about the rulings.

    “The Executive Office for Immigration Review does not comment on federal court decisions,” spokesperson Kathryn Mattingly said in a statement.

    Detainees who have been able to hire attorneys and appear before federal judges have been winning relief at near-universal rates, with the courts ordering their freedom or directing the immigration court to hold a bond hearing.

    “The district courts have been overwhelming on this question. It’s been extremely lopsided,” said Jonah Eaton, a veteran immigration attorney who teaches law at Temple University and the University of Pennsylvania, adding that even some Trump-appointed judges “have said this is nonsense.”

    Earlier this week, District Judge John Murphy said in a court filing that judges had sided with detainees in all 50 cases filed so far in Pennsylvania’s Eastern District.

    And in November, District Judge Paul Diamond wrote that he’d found 288 district court decisions nationwide addressing the issue — and that judges had ruled against the administration in 282 of them.

    Diamond then went on to criticize the government’s attempts to justify its policy using what he said were competing interpretations of the law.

    It is “difficult to credit the Government’s squarely contradictory position here,” Diamond wrote.

    Significant challenges

    Still, not all wins for detainees are comprehensive.

    In some instances, immigrants are granted bond hearings before an immigration judge. But Eaton said some of those immigration judges will either deny bond or set an impossibly high figure. In Philadelphia, he said, it’s become common for attorneys to ask the federal judges to order release themselves, “because immigration judges won’t do it.”

    Immigration Court is part of the executive branch, not the judiciary, run by the Department of Justice. That has for years called the courts’ impartiality into question.

    “Even when we’re seeing bond hearings happening, they’re being denied at a higher rate,” said attorney Emma Tuohy, a deportation-defense specialist at Simon, Choi & Tuohy in Philadelphia. So immigrant defenders “are going straight to district court and filing habeas corpus, on the premise that people are being unlawfully detained.”

    Habeas corpus, Latin for “you have the body,” is a demand that the government bring a detained person to court and prove that they have been legally imprisoned. It’s considered a fundamental protection against arbitrary detention.

    Beyond bond hearings, Thompson, of the Defender Association, said there are challenges in seeking to provide ample legal assistance to people who have solid grounds to fight their detention: Many can’t afford lawyers, she said, there is no statewide funding to support lawyers pursuing such challenges, and ICE can move detainees to different jurisdictions at its discretion, increasing the difficulty of petitioning for release.

    “They are doing it because they can, and because the consequences are that most [immigrants] cannot fight this and will end up being deported,” she said.

    Cases that might threaten the overall detention policy, meanwhile, are likely to take time to wind through appellate courts, she said — and the administration could seek to litigate the matter in jurisdictions that have been more traditionally conservative.

    In the meantime, federal judges are going to continue having to confront the issue in district courts. Murphy wrote this week that there are approximately 25 petitions awaiting a ruling in Philadelphia’s federal courthouse.

    If Beetlestone’s opinion is any guide, the judges would prefer that ICE change its position — rather than continuing down the same path and hoping the ruling will be different next time.

    Relying on hope in the courts, Beetlestone said, “resembles a game of whack-a-mole, in which the mole (here, the Government) insists on repeatedly volunteering to get struck by the judicial gavel.”