The fourth season of The Traitors officially premieres Thursday night on Peacock, and it will feature a few Philly-adjacent stars, including Donna Kelce.
Whether you’re a reality TV aficionado or just hearing about the show for the first time, here’s everything you need to know about the show before you tune in …
What is ‘The Traitors?’
If you’ve never seen The Traitors, it’s basically a big-budget version of the party game “Mafia.” It’s also similar to The Mole, which, like The Traitors, is a spinoff of a Dutch-language show. It’s wildly popular globally, with over two dozen countries having their own version, and nearly a dozen more international spinoffs on the way.
In the American version, host Alan Cumming whisks the cast away to his castle in Scotland, and selects a handful of players to serve as “Traitors,” who then have to “kill” — or eliminate — the other contestants, known as “Faithfuls.” At the end of every episode, there’s a roundtable, where contestants interrogate and confront one another to pick one player to banish, with the goal of eliminating all of the traitors. In the middle, contestants compete in challenges to grow the cash prize pot, which can get up to $250,000. The Faithfuls win if they can eliminate all the Traitors and make it to the end, but if any Traitors make it to the finale, they keep the prize money for themselves.
Past contestants include former Bachelor stars like Gabby Windey and Peter Weber, iconic Survivor contestants like Boston Rob and Parvati Shallow, and members of the Real Housewives franchise like Phaedra Parks and Dolores Catania. Zac Efron’s brother, Dylan, won Season 3 of The Traitors despite no past reality TV experience, so Donna wouldn’t be the first nepo-Traitors winner. There’s also usually a random old British guy.
Host Alan Cumming won an Emmy for outstanding reality competition program for “The Traitors.”
Who is in the Season 4 cast?
For Philadelphians, Kelce might be the biggest name, but Olympic figure skaters with local ties (Johnny Weir, Coatesville, and Tara Lipinski, Sewell, N.J.) will also factor into this season, ahead of the Winter Olympics in February.
“That was so much fun, just being able to do that, especially at my age, it was just a blast,” Kelce told the Kansas City Star. “The [Scottish] Highlands are absolutely gorgeous. The people were so kind. And it just was kind of like a dream to be able to do something like that and to interact with individuals on such a high level.
“And it was a little bit daunting when it comes to some of the missions, but it was fun. It really was. It was a good time.”
Here’s the full cast list:
Donna Kelce
Johnny Weir
Tara Lipinski
Lisa Rinna, Real Housewives
Dorinda Medley, Real Housewives (and Traitors Season 3)
Rob Cesternino, Survivor
Natalie Anderson, Survivor
Tiffany Mitchell, Big Brother
Ian Terry, Big Brother
Yam Yam Arocho, Survivor
Monet X Change, RuPaul’s Drag Race
Colton Underwood, The Bachelor
Mark Ballas, Dancing with the Stars
Porsha Williams, Real Housewives
Candiace Bassett, Real Housewives
Maura Higgins, Love Island
Eric Nam, singer
Ron Funches, comedian
Rob Rausch, Love Island
Kristen Kish, Top Chef
Stephen Colletti, actor
Michael Rapaport, actor
Caroline Stanbury, Real Housewives
Can Donna Kelce win ‘The Traitors?’
“Missions” plural? Could Mama Kelce be sticking around for a while?
Shortly after she was revealed to be a part of the cast, the three Kelce boys — Jason, Travis, and their father, Ed — discussed the matriarch’s chances on the show … but only after the brothers explained to dad what the show was all about. However, once they explained the game, Ed’s response was to snore.
“I haven’t got a [expletive] clue,” he said when asked about Donna’s chances. “I don’t know, I’m not a reality TV show type of person.”
Before their mother joined The Traitors cast, the Kelce brothers revealed they were fans of the show, but neither thought they would do well, especially if picked to be a traitor.
The first three episodes of the show will premiere on Peacock Thursday at 9 p.m. ET (although last season, they usually ended up dropping early, at around 8:30 p.m.). New episodes will premiere each subsequent Thursday at 9 p.m. ET. There will be 12 episodes total, including the reunion show, which is hosted by Andy Cohen.
Here’s a look at the full schedule:
Jan. 8: Episodes 1-3
Jan. 15: Episodes 4-5
Jan. 22: Episode 6
Jan. 29: Episode 7
Feb. 5: Episode 8
Feb. 12: Episode 9
Feb. 19: Episode 10
Feb. 26: Episode 11 (the finale) & Reunion
If you can’t wait, a pair of clips showing the contestants’ arrival at Cumming’s castle were recently unveiled.
Kyle Schwarber will be in the stands Friday night, allowing his feelings to be controlled by the college football players in front of him the same way he often dictates people’s nights with one swing during the summer. He’ll be a fan, riding the emotional roller coaster with Indiana’s football team in Atlanta as the Hoosiers try to reach the national championship game with a victory over Oregon.
“You’re living and dying with it and you’re like, ‘Man, this is what Phillies fans do for 162 games? That’s impressive,’” said Schwarber, the Phillies slugger who hit 56 home runs last season. “It brings back the super fan in you. It brings back that aspect. You’re in it and now you get to go super fan out on someone else.”
Schwarber, 32, grew up near Cincinnati as an Ohio State fanatic but traded the Buckeyes for the Hoosiers after playing baseball for three seasons at Indiana. The school’s baseball team transformed during that time from an afterthought to a national power. The football team — which until November had the worst winning percentage in college football history — is now doing the same. And it’s allowing Schwarber to know what it feels like to be a fan in South Philly.
“We have people who show up and care,” Schwarber said. “How many times have we gone to a weekend series and it wasn’t sold out for any of those games? A Monday night or Tuesday night or a Wednesday afternoon, we have 40,000-plus. That’s awesome. Now you get to see that for these kids in college. This is so awesome and it’s such an awesome experience for me to be able to fan out.”
Schwarber will be IU’s honorary captain for Friday’s Peach Bowl against Oregon. He narrated the team’s hype video before its Big Ten championship win over Ohio State and sat next to Lee Corso in 2024 when College GameDay came to Indiana. It might be harder to find a bigger IU football fan than the Phillies slugger, who was elected to the school’s Hall of Fame last year.
A linebacker in high school, Schwarber had football tickets as a freshman, but the Hoosiers won just one game. The football program did little while Schwarber was there — “There wasn’t much winning going on,” he said — and it was hard to imagine the sport ever catching on at a basketball school.
“It was like the tailgate fields were filled and then everyone vanished when it was game time,” Schwarber said.
Now he’s wearing Indiana gear on Friday, Saturday, and Sunday — “You have to wear it the day before game day, on game day, the day after they win,” Schwarber said — and texting his old buddies about the football team. Schwarber said people call him a bandwagon fan. Nope, he said. This is his school. Schwarber drove to Notre Dame last winter to tailgate at IU’s playoff game with his old baseball teammates and is flying to Friday’s Peach Bowl.
“It’s so much fun now,” Schwarber said. “Now that they’re good, it takes away that Ohio State in you. You were there. You went to school there. It just revamps you — that’s my team, that’s my school. It brings back the super fan in you.”
The turnaround started in November 2023 with the arrival of head coach Curt Cignetti, who was the quarterbacks coach at Temple under Jerry Berndt from 1989-92 and coached Indiana University of Pennsylvania from 2011-16. The Hoosiers reached the College Football Playoff last season, and became the nation’s No. 1 team in December a week before their quarterback, Fernando Mendoza, won the Heisman Trophy. The doormats rapidly became a powerhouse.
“I need a documentary,” Schwarber said. “I need to meet Cig and see how in the heck does this guy come in from having one of the worst winning percentages in college football history to taking it in two years to a College Football Playoff team and then being No. 1 in the country the next year and being a win away from the national championship. It’s surreal.
Kyle Schwarber played three seasons at Indiana on his way to being a first-round pick by the Cubs in 2014.
“It’s so awesome to watch. It gives you goose bumps when you can sit back and realize that, ‘Man, Indiana is getting some really cool recognition.’ I wish I could go back all the time. It’s such a beautiful campus. It feels like the perfect college town with nothing around it. Just cornfields around it and it’s beautiful. To have a place like that get recognition because our football team is doing amazing things.”
Schwarber started hitting earlier this month as he prepares for the first year of his newly signed five-year, $150 million contract. He could have gone elsewhere in free agency but said he often thought about the atmosphere at Citizens Bank Park on a Tuesday in May or a Friday in October. He knows now how it feels to sit in the stands.
“I’m not the outrageous, screaming, yelling guy,” Schwarber said. “That was the younger me watching the Bengals, screaming at the TV. Now being professional and understanding, you just understand a little more and not screaming, ‘How the hell did that dude not catch the ball?’ No, the guy is trying to catch the ball. He just didn’t. But I’ll be the first one to let you know that Indiana scored or Indiana stopped them on a fourth down or didn’t jump on a fake punt on fourth down. I’ll be the first one to let you know.
“I’m going to be screaming and yelling and losing my mind Friday and then come home the next day and my wife will be like, ‘What the hell happened?’ That’s what this is about. It’s the escape and it brings you back to being the fan.”
A.J. Preller grew up in New York — Long Island, to be specific — in the ’80s.
Guess which baseball player was his favorite.
“Don Mattingly,” the San Diego Padres president of baseball operations said, never hesitating, a few years ago over the phone. “That was the guy. ‘Hitman’ poster on the wall. I was at the last game of the [1984] season, when he won the batting title over [Dave] Winfield. ’85 MVP; ’84-’85-’86-’87, those were my formative baseball years.
Preller went on and on, and a generation of fans might as well have nodded in agreement. Because for most of a decade, when baseball could still reasonably call itself America’s pastime, Mattingly was the face of the sport — with a nickname to match.
Don Mattingly (left) is the Phillies’ new bench coach after being hired this week by president of baseball operations Dave Dombrowski.
And while none of that may mean much to many millennials, it surely does to Bryce Harper, never mind that he was eight days shy of turning 3 in 1995 when Mattingly played his final game.
“Players that came before, we usually don’t think that this generation of players knows as much about us as they should,” Mike Schmidt said recently on Phillies Extra, The Inquirer’s baseball podcast. “Not with Bryce. He’s very informed about the alumni like myself.”
Indeed, Harper is a baseball obsessive with a respect for the game’s past. He talks with familiarity about the ’70s Reds, his father’s favorite team. He picked No. 7 in youth baseball after hearing about Mickey Mantle. As Dusty Baker once said when he managed Harper in Washington, “He’s as knowledgeable of baseball history as anybody that I’ve had.”
So, although Harper met Mattingly only briefly at the 2017 All-Star Game in Miami and may not be able to recite all the pertinent numbers — .307 average, 222 homers, nine Gold Gloves, six All-Star appearances — it’s a safe bet he appreciates his nearly Hall of Fame-level place in the sport.
And it has been years since Harper played for anyone with those credentials as a player.
That wasn’t the primary reason the Phillies this week finalized a two-year contract with Mattingly to be the bench coach. They wanted another voice in the dugout alongside manager Rob Thomson. Mattingly managed for 12 seasons with the Dodgers and Marlins; at 64, he insists he doesn’t want to do it again.
But Thomson also conceded that Mattingly’s distinguished playing career sets him apart among the Phillies’ coaches. Because Thomson didn’t play in the majors. Caleb Cotham (pitching), Kevin Long (hitting), Bobby Dickerson (infield), and others are well-regarded across the majors, but they played in the big leagues only briefly or not at all.
Mattingly’s career gives him instant credibility among players, especially star players. His impact on Harper could be profound.
Bryce Harper (left) played for manager Dusty Baker with the Nationals.
By all accounts, Harper is coachable. He confides in Long, with whom he worked in Washington before Philadelphia. He took a crash course at first base from Dickerson in 2023 and learned the position on the fly.
But for a two-time MVP who’s likely headed to the Hall of Fame, the conversations with someone like Mattingly must resonate differently.
Harper’s first two Phillies managers — Gabe Kapler and Joe Girardi — had long playing careers. But he hasn’t played for a manager or coach with Mattingly’s name or stature since Baker with the Nationals in 2017.
Add the fact that Mattingly became an icon at first base, and it would appear that he’s uniquely suited to relate to Harper on multiple levels.
“If there’s things he wants to talk about from a first-base standpoint, then we can talk about it,” Mattingly said in a video news conference this week. “If there’s things he thinks about at the plate, hitting the lefty or hitting the righty, or a certain style of pitcher, I’m going to be like, ‘Hey, what are you trying to do with this guy? What are you thinking?’ I want to learn, too.”
Mattingly recalled fondly a conversation with Harper and former Reds star Joey Votto at the 2017 All-Star Game. He also marveled, like most baseball observers, at how good Harper already was upon making his major league debut at age 19.
“Watching his development over the years, this cat can go,” Mattingly said. “This is a first-ballot Hall of Famer, hands down.”
(Mattingly and Harper did get into a spring-training rock fight through the media in 2018 over Harper’s criticism of the Marlins’ offseason moves, though eight years is a long time for water to flow under a bridge.)
In Washington, Harper hit it off with Baker, whose long, successful managerial tenure was preceded by 19 major league seasons in which he got nearly 2,000 hits and slugged 242 homers. It was reciprocal. Baker once called Harper “a pretty cool little dude” and said he’s “pretty hip on a lot of fronts.” Harper batted .319 with a 1.008 OPS for Baker in 2017.
Nearly a decade later, as one of this generation’s biggest baseball stars, Harper figures to find “Donnie Baseball” to be relatable and potentially helpful.
“Well, I think we’ll find out, right?” Mattingly said. “You’ve got to build a relationship first. I’ve seen him from afar; I’ve not seen him from the inside. Listen to him, watch him, and just talk.”
The conversations will begin next month at first base on the spring-training half-field in Clearwater.
The playoffs commence for the Eagles this Sunday, hot on the heels of a 2025 regular season in which a generally dominant defense fueled an NFC East title run despite a shaky offensive attack.
The 49ers, who missed on a chance to secure the NFC’s No. 1 seed in a home loss to Seattle last Saturday, limp to Lincoln Financial Field as the Eagles’ wild-card round opponent.
Will the Birds run their home playoff winning streak to six games with a victory? Our writers make their predictions:
No, the Eagles didn’t get the No. 2 seed and missed out on a chance to play a compromised Green Bay Packers team, but as far as NFC matchups go, this one is pretty favorable for them.
The 49ers don’t have the same menacing defense they used to. And while their offense has sometimes been among the best in the NFL, the injury bug has bitten them at the worst time. Maybe left tackle Trent Williams ends up playing, but even if he does, he obviously won’t be at 100% after missing last week and the start of this practice week with a hamstring injury.
The Eagles, meanwhile, could get their star tackle, Lane Johnson, back, and they’re getting linebacker Nakobe Dean back, too. Christian McCaffrey and George Kittle still offer a big challenge for the Eagles’ defense, but McCaffrey had his worst game of the season in Week 18 and touched the ball more than any other skill position player this season. Tired legs or a really good Seattle defense? I think it was both. And the Eagles have the defensive front — a healthier one with Jalen Carter back — and the linebackers to defend the 49ers at a high level.
It hasn’t been an encouraging season from the Eagles’ offense, to put it mildly, but the 49ers are down multiple linebackers and don’t have an abundance of talent in the secondary. If the Eagles don’t beat themselves, which you can’t rule out, they should be able to establish a running game that gets the offense back on track.
Whether the Eagles can win this game will hinge on the defense’s ability to dominate, just as it has all season.
History is on defensive coordinator Vic Fangio’s side. He boasts a 3-1 head-to-head record against Kyle Shanahan as head coaches or coordinators. Shanahan’s offenses haven’t scored a meaningful touchdown in those four games.
The 49ers offense could get a boost if Williams and wide receiver Ricky Pearsall play. But the primary focus of the Eagles defense ought to be slowing down McCaffrey, who ranks second in the NFL in scrimmage yards (not including return yardage). That’s a tough task, but not impossible for a defense that has excelled against the run in all but two games this season.
Brock Purdy can extend plays and scramble, but the Eagles have been better against mobile quarterbacks in recent weeks, especially since last month’s loss to the Los Angeles Chargers.
In theory, the Eagles offense should be able to take advantage of a banged-up 49ers defense, and the game shouldn’tcome down to Fangio. But expectations ought to be low for an Eagles offense whose starters were shut out for an entire half the last time they faced a playoff-bound team in the Buffalo Bills.
Maybe the Eagles can finish what the Seahawks started last week and continue to punish the 49ers on the ground. Maybe Jalen Hurts and the passing attack can exploit the 49ers’ thin inside linebacker corps with passes over the middle of the field. Neither has been characteristic of the offense this season, though.
Or, maybe, the defense will stifle Shanahan’s offense while Nick Sirianni, Kevin Patullo, and the Eagles offense do just enough to get by. It wouldn’t be the first time.
How do you beat the 49ers? Do what Seattle did: run the football and pressure Purdy. The Eagles should be able to do that as the 49ers lost yet another linebacker this week and could again be without Williams at left tackle.
Yes, the Birds would much rather be playing Sunday against the Packers, but perhaps last week’s rest is what the offensive line needed to perform the way it did last postseason. Saquon Barkley averaged 147.3 yards last season in the NFC playoffs, so the focus on Hurts seems a bit much. For the Eagles to repeat, they’ll need to run the ball better, and Barkley has just two 100-yard games since Halloween. Kenneth Walker and Zach Charbonnet — Seattle’s two-headed rushing attack — combined for 171 yards last week vs. the 49ers, who allowed opponents to run for 110 yards or more in four of their final five regular-season games.
Christian McCaffrey will be a focal point for the 49ers offense, as usual.
McCaffrey has been electric as always, but most of his success this season has come on short passes. The Eagles could take that away if they get to Purdy the way Seattle did. The Seahawks applied constant pressure en route to three sacks and eight quarterback hits. Jalyx Hunt and Jaelan Phillips could change this game. Pearsall, who has been slowed by a knee injury all season, could also be out, giving Purdy one fewer option to pair with McCaffrey and Kittle. The Niners had a great finish to the season before their dud against the Seahawks, but they just seem too banged up to hang with the Eagles.
Philadelphia Councilmember Jeffery “Jay” Young introduced a bill at the last City Council meeting of 2025 to ban residential development from the area around former Hahnemann University Hospital.
The proposal covers properties near Broad and Race Streets with owners that include Drexel University, Iron Stone Real Estate Partners, and Brandywine Realty Trust.
But only one known residential project slated for the area is covered by the bill: Dwight City Group’s proposal to redevelop the Hahnemann Hospital patient towers into hundreds of apartments.
If enacted by City Council, which returns on Jan. 22, the bill could have stopped that redevelopment.
But on Dec. 24, Dwight City Group secured a zoning permit for 222-48 N. Broad St. to builda 361-unit apartment building — far larger than the original plan — with space for commercial use on the first floor.
With that permit secured, the project could move forward regardless of whetherYoung’sbill is enacted.
Dwight City Group, however, says they are concentrating on ongoing conversations with Young.
“We are working along with Councilman Young and the community to ensure that this project meets the needs and goals of the district,” said Judah Angster, CEO of Dwight City Group.
The permits show some changes to the original plan. In interviews last year, the developer said the plan contained 288 units and that ground-floor commercial was unlikely.
Young said the proposed housing ban is about preserving jobs by allowing only commercial development at the former hospital site.
“As the city continues to look for ways to incentivize development, we need to ensure jobs and economic opportunities are at the forefront, with engagement from all stakeholders,” Young said in an email. “We look forward to working [with] all stakeholders as this legislation moves through the process.”
Young’s bill confused and outraged manyobservers as a blatant example of spot zoning, in which legislation is used to help or hurt a particular project.
But the tradition of “councilmanic prerogative” would likely guarantee its passage because other Council members are unlikely to vote against a bill that affects only one district.
Nevertheless, the housing and transit advocacy group 5th Square has begun a campaign against the legislation and issued a petition earlier this week calling for its withdrawal.
“The site on Broad and Race Street lies on top of an express subway stop and benefits from proximity to Center City jobs, shops, and cultural amenities,” the petition reads. “Since the shuttering of Hahnemann in 2019, the site currently provides little value to Philadelphians or tax dollars to the city despite its central location.”
A protest at an event honoring Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis over his antigay policies. The right has targeted trans people, in particular.
Meanwhile, the abundance of research demonstrating that transgender people suffer disproportionate violent victimization, homelessness, and suicide has remained largely unaddressed.
Moderate politicians’ concern with appealing to wider audiences in thesedivisive times exacts a cost: to trans kids’ health, safety, and dignity in their schools and communities.
Ambivalent Democrats
Rather than forging alliances to protect the safety and constitutional rights of transgender citizens, some of the most influential members of the Democratic Party — from Kamala Harris to Pete Buttigieg to Rahm Emanuel to Gavin Newsom — have at least partially capitulated before the political tidal wave of anti-transgender disinformation, complete with all of the red herrings it washes ashore.
More importantly, by keeping to the intentionally distorted discourse about transgender people — rather than countering sensationalized falsehoods and vitriolic rhetoric with integrity and conviction — politicians end up appealing to and emboldening constituencies who lean into disinformation out of fear. This isn’t only cynical, it’s dangerous. FBI hate crime statistics tell a bleak story of the rise in vigilante violence against transgender Americans, coinciding with a steep rise in political antagonism and targeted scapegoating.
A recent effort led by U.S. Reps. Sarah McBride (D., Del.), Mark Takano (D., Calif.), and members of the Congressional Equality Caucus calls upon House Speaker Mike Johnson (R., La.) to enforce the rules of decorum in Congress by holding those who defame and denigrate the trans community to account. As of this writing, no response has been issued.
A path forward
The only ethical and effective path forward demands that we fundamentally reframe the political conversation about transgender people in factual terms that are grounded in foundational democratic principles, credible science, and a commitment to the protection of civil rights and civil liberties of all Americans.
There is some hope to be found in the lawsuit filed this week by 19 Democratic states to block the federal government’s efforts to ban gender-affirming care nationally.
Ideally, we would see more leadership on both sides of the aisle to protect the safety, freedom, and human dignity of all LGBTQ+ people, as demonstrated in the introduction of the bipartisan Global Respect Act by McBride and U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R., Pa.) to protect LGBTQ+ people around the world from identity-based violence, torture, and persecution.
Regressive political forces have always sought to isolate and villainize minoritized groups, to paint them as threats to the majority by virtue of whatever marks them as somehow “different” from those in power — and therefore less deserving of the same rights and protections.
Consider that during the civil rights movement in the 1960s, boycotts of segregated lunch counters and department stores were underway in Southern communities when New York U.S. Rep. Adam Clayton Powell famously corrected a reporter who queried if he was advocating for “Negroes” to stay out of segregated national chain stores in solidarity with the boycotts.
A genuine commitment to our democracy demands that we shift our discursive paradigm from one that impugns the existence of transgender people to one that impugns the de jure and de facto denial of transgender people’s humanity, dignity, civil rights, and personal safety.
It is long past time to reset the terms and reclaim the narrative on the equal protections and constitutional rights of transgender Americans. The political leadership we need in this moment requires the clarity, intentionality, and fortitude to do just that.
Ashley C. Rondini is an associate professor of sociology at Franklin and Marshall College.
In Pennsylvania, just over 2% of Gen Z students believe elected officials act in their best interests. Three-quarters say they don’t.
These findings come from more than 2,800 conversations across 16 colleges and universities in the state. Project 26 Pennsylvania collected them without a script, giving students space to speak freely.
Young Pennsylvanians believe the commonwealth’s institutions are slow to respond and are detached from daily realities. They pointed to artificial intelligence and its workforce implications, social polarization, and global issues that feel increasingly vital to confront on a local and regional level.
In my role withthe United Nations Association of the USA, I meet regularly with young Americans across the country. They’re not apathetic — far from it. They know what it looks like when institutions function — and when they drift.
A few weeks ago, I visited a campus in Bethlehem and heard from students who were deeply engaged and informed. They focused on conservation, economic growth, healthcare access, and local governance. But when the conversation turned to institutional performance, their confidence plummeted.
They described government bodies that move slowly, communicate inconsistently, and prioritize politics over problem-solving.
There is a clear contrast between what they see at home and what I see globally.
The U.N. has expanded youth engagement at a historic pace. It created a dedicated Youth Office and invited young people into negotiations. Leaders expect a direct report on the concerns and ideas of young Americans.
Pennsylvania’s institutions should view this as a model if they want to start restoring trust.
That’s because the risk of inaction is more than disengagement; it’s dislocation. Young adults are moving to places that do pay attention to and meet their needs.
A Pennsylvania State Data Center analysis found that almost half of Pennsylvanians moving out of state were between the ages of 18-34. Many of them are opting for faster-growing places like Florida, North Carolina, and Texas.
If a global system of 193 member states that agree on little else can coalesce around the need to build structured pathways for youth involvement, then Pennsylvania’s agencies and local governments can do the same.
This shift does not require a redesign of government — just consistency and intention. There are steps the Keystone State can take now.
Several Pennsylvania cities already show what youth engagement can look like.
Allentown created a Council of Youth by resolution, though all 16 seats appear vacant. Pittsburgh has a youth coordinator who runs its Youth Commission, and Philadelphia operates a Youth Commission of its own. These are promising starts, and all townships and boroughs should follow. But they are often tucked deep into municipal websites rather than positioned as visible civic priorities.
Gov. Josh Shapiro should create a statewide youth advisory cabinet with a direct line to major agencies. States like Iowa, North Carolina, and Massachusetts already run strong statewide youth councils.
In fact, Pennsylvania does have a strong model already in the NextGen Advisory Council, which brings young leaders into decision-making on conservation and public lands. That same approach should be extended across agencies.
These steps are practical. They also reflect respect for young people, who are not the “next” generation, but are active contributors shaping our commonwealth.
They organize events, testify at meetings, vote in local elections, and devote time to issues that affect their communities. They have shaped mental health advocacy, launched small businesses, and pushed for housing initiatives in cities across the state.
If institutions want to restore trust, they need to match that level of seriousness.
Trust does not return through campaign outreach or social media posts. It grows when young people see their work is taken seriously and leads to outcomes — and when institutions welcome their involvement with regularity and purpose.
Pennsylvania has a window to rebuild confidence. The Project 26 findings should not be dismissed as youth discontent, but read as a statement of expectations — and an opportunity.
Half of the students surveyed said they would be motivated to take political action “if they felt it would make a difference.” They are engaged, ready, and eager to help build a stronger Pennsylvania.
The question is whether the commonwealth’s leaders will invite them into the process.
Jarrett James Lash serves as the 14th UNA-USA youth observer to the United Nations and is a municipal planner in Montgomery County.
He’s the first first-team, All-Pro linebacker from the Eagles since Jeremiah Trotter in 2000, and he might become the first multiple All-Pro linebacker since 1975 when voting results are announced soon.
He’s the first Pro Bowl linebacker from the Eagles since Trotter in 2005.
Yet most football fans in Philadelphia don’t appreciate how good Zack Baun is.
What’s worse, most football fans outside of Philadelphia don’t even know whoZack Baun is — at least, not beyond a painfully cute social media post and his involvement in one of the worst injuries of the 2025 season.
But here’s the reality.
For the entirety of two seasons Baun has been the best football player on the best roster in Eagles history. Better than future Hall of Famers Saquon Barkley and A.J. Brown. Better than young defenders Quinyon Mitchell and Jalen Carter.
Eagles linebacker Zack Baun tackles running back James Cook during the win against the Bills.
“Absolutely,” said veteran defensive lineman Brandon Graham. “And I’m thankful for him.”
Still, as I drove south on I-95 a couple of days ago, my passenger, a native fan who regularly watches the Eagles, saw a billboard outside Lincoln Financial Field promoting Sunday’s playoff game against the 49ers. The artwork was simply one player, bareheaded and in high definition, his mouth open in a celebratory scream.
My passenger said, “Who’s that?”
It was Zack Baun. The best linebacker in football over the last two seasons. The man tasked Sunday with covering and tackling Christian McCaffrey, the best offensive player in football, and George Kittle, the league’s best tight end.
In a city that still worships linebackers like Chuck Bednarik, Seth Joyner, and Bill Bergey, Baun somehow remains largely anonymous.
Maybe the reason is that Baun arrived in the NFL, and then in Philly, without fanfare.
The Saints drafted him in the third round in 2020 but never developed him. The Eagles signed him to a modest, $3.5 million prove-it deal in 2024. He proved so much so fast that the Eagles pursued him over Josh Sweat and Milton Williams, other top Eagles defenders who became free agents. They re-signed Baun to a three-year, $51 million extension and hoped he’d stay hungry.
He’s ravenous.
“He’s still working,” Graham said. “Got that chip on his shoulder.”
The result: Baun’s play and his production have been the most consistent element on a team that won the Super Bowl last season and repeated as NFC East champions this season.
He’s simply their best.
And it’s not particularly close.
Zack Baun (53) celebrates his interception against the Raiders with cornerback Adoree’ Jackson on Dec. 14.
On the map
In a world of shameless self-promoters, Baun is a mild-mannered, soft-spoken, shaven-headed Wisconsinite whose closely clipped goatee gives him the air of an affable extra on a pirate movie. He has 154,000 Instagram followers, 100,000 fewer than kicker Jake Elliott. Baun’s social media posts could have been drawn by Norman Rockwell.
For one of the league’s top-10 defenders, his modesty is as remarkable as his ascent.
After converting from quarterback to linebacker at Wisconsin, Baun was a part-time player in New Orleans, where he thrived on special teams as he was trying to make a mark as an outside linebacker and pass rusher.
In 2024, Vic Fangio’s first season as Eagles defensive coordinator, the coaches and GM Howie Roseman believed Baun would fit well into the Birds’ scheme. They were right. Baun excelled.
“He kind of burst onto the scene to the outside world,” coach Nick Sirianni said.
But at the same time Carter exploded as a defensive tackle, Mitchell and Cooper DeJean instantly became the best cornerback tandem in football, and Barkley set a rushing record (including playoffs). Even after the defense dominated the Chiefs in Super Bowl LIX, Baun was overshadowed. He intercepted Patrick Mahomes, but then, so did DeJean, who ran his back for a touchdown.
The two incidents that brought Baun’s existence to light for most folks who exist outside of sports Twitter had little to do with his play.
After the Eagles won the NFC championship in a rout of the Commanders, Baun gained worldwide fame when millions of people viewed a viral social media post of his toddler son Elian playing with confetti on the turf at Lincoln Financial Field.
Then, on Oct. 26, Baun tackled Giants rookie Cam Skattebo, who suffered a dislocated ankle and broken fibula. The combination of Skattebo’s rising stardom, his brutal running style, the fact that he plays for a marquee team in a marquee city, and the simmering controversy surrounding “hip-drop” tackles thrust Baun into an uneasy spotlight.
The play that injured Giants RB Cam Skattebo was an illegal hip drop tackle from Eagles LB Zack Baun
Baun was neither penalized on the play nor fined by the NFL afterward, but that isn’t the issue here. The issue is, we’re witnessing greatness, and we’d better start paying closer attention.
Top grades
Due to how they are used — Do they cover? Do they blitz? — and where they line up — Are they inside, outside, on the defensive line? — the performance of linebackers is difficult to quantify. Regardless, Baun has great numbers both objectively — raw stats — and subjectively, as graded by websites like Pro Football Focus.
He had 3½ sacks this season and last, and each season only five linebackers had more. He had one interception last season and added two more in the playoffs; his first against Green Bay in the wild-card game, then the pick in the Super Bowl. He had two more interceptions this season, which tied for fifth among linebackers.
His PFF grade last season of 90.1 ranked No. 1. His grade this season, 83.9, is No. 2 among linebackers who played at least 900 snaps.
It’s a solid showing, but the grade doesn’t really reflect Baun’s improvement.
“Last year was a lot of willy-nilly out there, honestly,” Baun said. “Of course, I did some amazing things, but I think I’m doing a better job overall this year.”
This is a sensitive issue, since the biggest question regarding Baun becoming an every-down ’backer involved his ability to cover.
PFF rated him the No. 1 coverage linebacker in both 2024 and 2025.
San Francisco running back Christian McCaffrey (left) and tight end George Kittle will challenge the Eagles defense on Sunday.
Question answered. Next test: McCaffrey, Kittle, and 49ers head coach Kyle Shanahan, whose pre-snap trickery is as befuddling as any coach’s in the last decade.
Baun is as ready as he’ll ever be.
Asked in which areas he’d improved most from last year to this, he replied, “Play recognition.”
And then?
“Definitely, in my cover stuff. I saw that as a strength of mine last year, and I wanted to make it even better. Footwork. Route identification.”
And, of course, practice.
Five hundred shots
Improvement has become something of an obsession for Baun. When the last whistle sounds for a regular practice, Sirianni, frustrated hooper, offers players the chance for extra work, Steph Curry style.
“It’s what we call 500 shots,” Baun said of the on-field routine after practice. “Coach describes it as a basketball player hitting 500 shots before he leaves.”
That’s where Baun drills his feet and hips and shoulders.
“It’s mostly footwork stuff, because I’m asked to do a lot of stuff in coverage — a lot of different coverage responsibilities,” Baun said. “I’m asked to cover a lot of ground and take away a lot of different zones. So my footwork really has to be on point.”
Reps matter, both during the week and on game day. He hasn’t missed a game since he became a starter in 2024. This is one of the reasons he should be considered the Eagles’ best defender, if not their best player. Carter’s the only defender who has made as many plays, but he has missed time this season.
“He’s played more than anybody these last two years,” Sirianni acknowledged, “but, like, he just keeps getting better and better and better.”
Another reason Baun should be considered the top Eagle:
Unlike Mitchell and DeJean, who also have not missed a game, Baun hasn’t had a steady sidekick. Fellow starter Nakobe Dean was lost to injury with two regular-season games to play in 2024 and did not play in the playoffs. Dean has missed seven games so far this season.
So there you have Baun. He’s an iron-man linebacker who stacks sacks and picks and grades out among the best in the business, but he seems to get so little credit.
In Kensington, a program to mitigate street violence was hitting its stride.
After joining the New Kensington Community Development Corporation in 2023, outreach coordinators with Cure Violence began responding to shootings in the neighborhood, connecting folks with mental health services and other wellness resources.
They hosted men’s therapy groups, safe spaces to open up about the experience of poverty and trauma, and organized a recreational basketball league at residents’ request. Their team of violence interrupters even intervened in an argument that they said could have led to a shooting.
Cure Violence Kensington was funded by a $1.5 million federal grant from the Department of Justice, part of a Biden-era initiative to combat the nation’s gun violence epidemic by awarding funds to community-based anti-violence programs rather than law enforcement agencies.
One year after a political shift in Washington, however, federal grants that Philadelphia’s anti-violence nonprofits say allowed them to flourish are disappearing.
In the spring, New Kensington CDC received a letter from the Justice Department, saying that under the leadership of Attorney General Pam Bondi it had terminated the grant that would have funded Cure Violence for the next three years.
The work, the letter said, “no longer effectuates the program goals or agency priorities.” In the future, it said, the department would offer such grants exclusively to local law enforcement efforts.
“It was a heavy hit,” said Bill McKinney, the nonprofit’s executive director.
The cuts come amid a Trump administration crackdown on nonprofits and other organizations it views as either wasteful or focused on diversity and DEI.
It spent 2025 slashing funds for programs that supplied aid abroad, conducted scientific research, and monitored climate change. At the Justice Department, cuts came for groups like McKinney’s, which aim to target the root causes of violence by offeringmental health services, job programs, conflict mediation, and other alternatives to traditional policing.
In Philadelphia, organizations like the Antiviolence Partnership of Philadelphia and the E.M.I.R. Healing Center say they, too, lost federal funding last yearand expect to see further reductions in 2026 as they scramble to cover shortfalls.
A Justice Department spokesperson said changes to the grant program reflect the office’s commitment to law enforcement and victims of crime, and that they would ensure an “efficient use of taxpayer dollars.”
“The Department has full faith that local law enforcement can effectively utilize these resources to restore public safety in cities across America,” the spokesperson said in an email.
Nonprofits may appeal the decisions, the spokesperson said, and New Kensington CDC has done so.
Attorney General Pam Bondi takes part in an event at the White House on Oct. 23.
Philadelphia city officials, for their part, say they remain committed to anti-violence programs, in which they have invested tens of millions of dollars in recent years.
“There are always going to be things that happen externally that we have no control over as a city,” said Adam Geer, director of the Office of Public Safety.
The reversal in federal support comes at a time when officials like Geer say the efforts of anti-violence programs are beginning to show results.
Violent crime in Philadelphia fell to historic lows in 2025, a welcome relief after the sharp upturn in shootings and homicides that befell the city at the height of the pandemic.
In 2021, the city announced a large-scale campaign to combat gun violence that,in the past year, included nearly $24 million for anti-violence programs.
That was on top of the Biden administration’s Community Based Violence Intervention and Prevention Initiative. Since launching in 2022, the DOJ program awarded more than $300 million to more than 120 anti-violence organizations nationwide.
In April, many of those groups, including New Kensington CDC, lost funds. And in September, a larger swath learned they were now barred from applying for other Justice Department grants that would have arrived this spring.
“We’ve seen enormous dividends” from the work of such groups, said Adam Garber, executive director of CeaseFirePA, a leading gun violence prevention group in the state. “Pulling back now puts that progress at risk — and puts lives on the line.”
Philadelphia feels the squeeze
Federal grants helped Natasha McGlynn’s nonprofit thrive.
McGlynn, executive director of the Antiviolence Partnership of Philadelphia, said a DOJ grant called STOP School Violence allowed her organization to launch a counseling program for young people who had been victims of violence or otherwise exposed to it in some of the city’s most violent neighborhoods.
The nonprofit used the grant to hire therapists to help students develop healthier attitudes around conflict and trauma, she said.
The $997,000 grant was cut in April, and when McGlynn went to apply for another round of funding in the fall, she learned that nonprofits were no longer eligible. The lost funding means some services, like counseling, could now be eliminated, she said.
“I would say several positions are in question,” McGlynn said. “I would say the program is in question.”
Chantay Love, the director of Every Murder is Real, said her Germantown-based victim services nonprofit also lost Justice Department funding in 2025.
Federal grants are not the nonprofit’s only source of income, Love said, but she along with other nonprofit leaders in the city are considering whether they’ll need to cut back on programs this year.
Record-setting investment
The decade before the pandemic saw gun-related deaths in the state climb steadily, spiking during the lockdown as social isolation, school closures, shuttered community services, and higher levels of stress contributed to a spate of gun homicides and shootings that began to ease only in 2024.
Two years earlier, the state began dispersing more than $100 million to community-based anti-violence programs, much of the money coming from the American Rescue Plan, a sweeping Biden administration pandemic recovery package that also sought to reduce rising gun violence. And when those funds expired, state lawmakers continued to invest millions each year, as did Philadelphia city officials.
Garber, of CeaseFirePA, said those efforts “get a lot of heavy-lifting credit” for Philadelphia’s historic decrease in violence.
A report compiled by CeaseFirePA cites studies that found outreach programs like Cure Violence helped reduce shootings around Temple University, as well as in cities like New York and Baltimore, where homicides and shootings in some parts of the city fell by more than 20%.
While it’s too early for data to provide a full picture on how such funding has contributed to overall violence reduction, officials like Geer, the Philadelphia public safety director, agreed that programs like Cure Violence have helped crime reach record lows.
Philadelphia acting chief public safety director Adam Geer attends a news conference on Jan. 30, 2024, about a shooting that left an officer wounded and a suspect dead.
Outreach workers with the city-supported Group Violence Intervention program made more than 300 contacts with at-risk residents in 2025, according to data provided by Geer’s office, either offering support or intervening in conflicts.
And they offered support to members of more than 140 street groups — small, neighborhood-oriented collectives of young people that lack the larger organization of criminal gangs — while more than doubling the amount of service referrals made the previous year.
In practice, a program’s success looks like an incident in Kensington in which Cure Violence workers intervened in a likely shooting, according to members of New Kensington CDC.
In April, a business owner called on the nonprofit after seeing a group of men fighting outside his Frankford Avenue store and leaving to return with guns. Members of the outreach team spoke with both parties, de-escalating the conflict before it potentially turned deadly.
“Each dollar cut is ultimately a potential missed opportunity to stop a shooting,” Garber said.
Cutting off the ‘spigot’
Even as community-based anti-violence programs have risen in popularity, they are not without their critics.
While some officials champion them as innovative solutions to lowering crime, others say the programs can lack oversight and that success is difficult to measure.
In 2023, an Inquirer investigation found that nonprofits with ambitious plans to mitigate gun violence received millions in city funds, but in some cases had no paid staff, no boards of directors, and no offices.
A subsequent review by the Office of the Controller found some programs had not targeted violent areas or had little financial oversight. But by the next round of funding, the city had made improvements to the grant program, the controller’s office found, adding funding benchmarks and enhanced reporting requirements.
Meanwhile, as Philadelphia continued its support these programs, President Donald Trump’s Justice Department began a review of more than 5,800 grants awarded through its Office of Justice Programs. It ultimately made cuts of more than $800 million that spring.
Among programs that lost funding, 93% were “non-governmental agencies,” including nonprofits, according to a letter DOJ officials sent to the Senate explaining the decision.
The balance of remaining funds in the violence prevention grant program — an estimated $34 million — will be available for law enforcement efforts, according to a DOJ grant report. In addition to fighting crime, the money will help agencies improve “police-community relations,” hire officers, and purchase equipment, the document says.
Agencies conducting immigration enforcement are also eligible for grants, the report says, while groups that violate immigration law, provide legal services to people who entered the country illegally, or “unlawfully favor” people based on race are barred.
One group lauding the cuts is the National Rifle Association, which commended the Trump administration in November for cutting off the “spigot” to anti-violence nonprofits.
‘[T]he changes hopefully mean that nonprofits and community groups associated with advocating gun control will be less likely to do it at the expense of the American taxpayer and that real progress can occur on policing violent criminals,” the NRA’s legislative arm wrote in a blog post that month.
Nate Riley disagrees.
Riley, an outreach worker with Cure Violence Kensington, said the cuts threaten to reverse the progress New Kensington CDC has made since he joined the program early last year.
Nate Riley (from left), Tyree Batties, Dante Singleton, Tyreek Counts, Ivan Rodriguez, and Jamall Green-Holmes, outreach workers with New Kensington Community Development Corporation, making their rounds on Wednesday.
Cure Violence’s six-person outreach team is made up of people like Riley, who grew up in North Philadelphia and says he is well-versed in the relationship between poverty, trauma, and violence and brings that experience to Kensington.
“This is a community that’s been neglected for decades,” Riley said. “For lack of a better term, you’ve got to help them come in outside of the rain.”
In a recent month, Cure Violence outreach workers responded to 75% of shootings in the Kensington area within three days, a feat Riley is particularly proud of.
He said the program is not meant to supplant the role of police.
Instead, Riley sees street outreach as another outlet for those whose negative experiences with authorities have led them to distrust law enforcement.
Those people may alter their behavior if they know police are present, he added, giving outreach workers embedded in the community a better chance at picking up on cues that someone is struggling.
From Kensington to Washington
McKinney, with New Kensington CDC, said the group was still expecting about $600,000 from the Justice Department when the grant was cut short.
The nonprofit has since secured a patchwork of private donations and state grants that will keep Cure Violence running through much of 2026, he said.
After that, the program’s future is uncertain.
In the wake of the cuts, national organizations like the Community Justice Action Fund are advocating for federal officials to preserve funding for community-based anti-violence programs in future budgets. Adzi Vokhiwa, a federal policy advocate with the fund, said the group has formed a network of anti-violence nonprofits dubbed the “Invest in Us Coalition” to do so.
The group petitioned congressional leadership in December to appropriate $55 million for anti-violence organizations in the next budget — a figure that both Democrats and Republicans in the Senate have previously agreed on and that Vokhiwa views as a sign of bipartisan support for such programs.
McKinney, with New Kensington CDC, said it was impossible to ignore that the nonprofit and others like it provide services to neighborhoods where residents are overwhelmingly Black and brown. In his view, the cuts also reflect the administration’s “war on cities.”
He was bothered that the Justice Department did not seem to evaluate whether New Kensington CDC’s program had made an impact on the neighborhood before making cuts.
“We’re in a situation where the violence isn’t going away,” he said. “Even if there’s been decreases, the reality is that Kensington still leads the way. As those cuts get deeper, we are going to see increases in violence.”
2026 Genesis GV80 Coupe 3.5T E-supercharger vs. 2026 Land Rover Defender 130 V-8 vs. 2026 Mercedes-Benz GLE 450 4Matic SUV: Off-roading in high style.
This week: Mercedes-Benz GLE 450 SUV
Price: $79,100 as tested.
What others are saying: “Highs: A powertrain for every need, well-appointed and spacious interior, legitimately capable; Lows: Rivals offer smoother rides and better handling, Benz charges extra for ubiquitous features.” — Car and Driver
What Mercedes is saying: “It’s innovative. Intelligent. And just a bit indulgent.”
Reality: Cushy, yet satisfying.
What’s new: The GLE 450 SUV carries on fairly unchanged since the 2024 model year, when it received tech updates and available hybrid power.
Up to speed: The GLE 450 is powered by a 3-liter inline six-cylinder engine with a mild hybrid system. It creates 375 horsepower. It gets to 60 mph in 5.3 seconds, according to Car and Driver.
I never found the GLE lacked power, but it definitely seemed sedate. I used it in Sport mode, and nobody ever felt planted in their seats during test maneuvers. Strange how it was almost an exact match with the GV80’s 5.2-second time, but somehow the Genesis felt much more exuberant.
Shifty: Mercedes originated the latest incarnation of the column shifter, with a bump up for Reverse and down for Drive. Shifting of the 9-speed automatic transmission happens through steering wheel paddles.
On the road: The GLE handled about as I expected from a Mercedes — very smooth, almost to a fault. Pennsylvania’s ruttiest roads, including Route 202 around King of Prussia, could send the GLE into jumping fits, but the rest of the time the SUV felt serene, quiet, cushy.
Speaking of cushy, that’s where the GLE handling lives — don’t expect this SUV to perform feats of derring-do on country roads. But stay within its limits and life is pleasant.
At least when you’re in Sport mode. The vehicle defaults to Comfort mode, and that has a sway and bounce that takes cushy into nauseating.
The interior of the 2026 Mercedes-Benz GLE 450, on the other hand, could very well win several beauty contests.
Driver’s Seat: Ooo, aaah. Great leather coverings, not too firm, not too soft. The front seats are wide as well, perfect for large dinners at fancy restaurants.
Visibility up front could be a bit challenging. I raised the seat up quite high and still was unsatisfied with what I could see in the corners. But I did ace a couple head-first parking lot episodes, which normally I find can be rather difficult in SUVs, so maybe it’s better than I think.
The interior is fancy like a Mercedes should be, but the trim around the HVAC vents leaves something to be desired. They come in a contrasting color and look like I could pop them out with a small screwdriver, if I were so inclined. Why offer this?
Friends and stuff: The other couple you bring along to show off your Mercedes (practice saying it like Cary Grant in North by Northwest — “Laura’s Meh-seddies”) will definitely be impressed. The seat is awesome, and there’s so much room to spread out, you’ll feel like you’re being chauffeured.
A third row is optional.
Cargo space is 33.3 cubic feet in the back and 74.9 with the seat folded.
Towing capacity maxes out at 7,700 pounds, just 500 less than the Defender and more than 1,500 over the GV80.
In and out: The GLE 450 sits up a little high so entry and exit are not the easiest in the world, but it sure beats the Defender.
Play some tunes: Sound from the system is delightful, an A veering close to A+ territory.
My ratty old iPhone plugged in and just worked, a nice touch. I’m forever getting defaulted to Bluetooth in various vehicles and then I have to fight and do dances to get it to link. But this one worked every time.
The screen offers a simple CarPlay tab and another main tab. Console controls are also available, for those who are used to them.
Keeping warm and cool: A row of silver toggles underneath the infotainment system looks sharp and operates with ease. I could change the temperature and the fan speed without looking after a couple tries, as it should be.
Large vents provide plenty of airflow but never seemed to blast us.
Fuel economy: That mild hybrid is definitely mild, as the GLE averaged 18.5 mpg for me. Gulp, but still the winner among the three tested.
Where it’s built: Vance, Ala. Germany supplies 34% of the parts; Mexico 17%.
How it’s built:Consumer Reports predicts the GLE SUV reliability to be a 3 out of 5.
In the end: I felt a little bad about setting up this trio, as they do aim in different directions. But the Genesis fell short in so many areas that had nothing to do with its size — comfort and handling among them. The Land Rover really was quite nice, but their reliability reputation makes that a gamble.
Fortunately, the Mercedes was hands down the nicest among the three, slightly sippier, more comfortable, and nice to drive. And there’s enough money left over among the three to consider a hybrid model.