U.S. Sen. Dave McCormick (R., Pa.) has joinedfellowSenate Republicans in signing on to a letter urging top health officials in the Trump administration to rescind approval for a drug used in one of the most common methods of abortion.
In a letter to Health and Human Services SecretaryRobert F. Kennedy Jr. and FDA Commissioner Marty Makary earlier this month, the Republican senators recommended, among other things, that officials re-evaluate the safety of mifepristone, one of two pills commonly used in a medication abortion, and suspend the distribution of the drug and its generic versions, saying it should be considered an “imminent hazard” at the federal level.
“Today, your agencies have all the information they need to bring an end to previous Democrat administrations’ abortion drug regulations while a comprehensive review is conducted,” the Republicans wrote in the letter.
Only two Senate Republicans, Lisa Murkowski (R., Alaska) and Susan Collins (R., Maine), did not sign the letter.
McCormick’s signature on the letter could signal a change in how the Pennsylvania Republican views abortion regulation. During his campaign last fall, McCormick said during a debate that he wants to leave regulation to individual states, which has been the status quo since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022. His backing of the letter, which encourages sweeping policy decisions at the national level, suggests otherwise.
“Sen. McCormick has concerns about the adverse effects mifepristone can have on women, as shown in a recent study,” a spokesperson for McCormick said in a statement Friday evening. “This letter addresses those potential impacts on women’s health and encourages HHS and FDA to reevaluate the potential risks and harms associated with mifepristone. Sen. McCormick also issued a statement yesterday applauding the White House’s efforts to lower IVF costs.”
Eugene DePasquale, chair of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party, accused him of betraying his constituents.
“Sen. McCormick’s support for an extreme anti-choice policy that could threaten the lives of Pennsylvania women is a shameful betrayal of his constituents,” DePasquale said. “This type of extreme policy coming out of Washington only makes it clearer that everything is on the line when it comes to protecting our freedom — and it is up to us to do it right here at the state level.”
“By law, the FDA has very limited discretion in deciding whether to approve a generic drug, and the FDA’s approval of a generic mifepristone is not an endorsement of the product. HHS remains committed to its study of the reported adverse effects of mifepristone,” White House spokesperson Kush Desai said in a statement to The Inquirer.
Should the FDA revoke its approval of mifepristone, medical abortions won’t be eradicated. Medication abortions are possible using just misoprostol, but the method is less effective, according to a 2021 report from the American Family Physician.
In addition to their safety concerns, Senate Republicans are also urging Kennedy and Makary to suspend approving new generic versions of mifepristone awaiting the results of a safety review of the Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategies (REMS) for the drug. REMS are safety programs for certain medications as required by the FDA.
The Republicans are also urging the federal government to require mifepristone and its generic versions to be distributed in person, not through mail, and not at a pharmacy.
The letter also claims that the U.S. has an “‘abortion-on-demand’ culture,” referring to the accessibility of mifepristone through mail. But, according to Planned Parenthood, a telehealth call is required before any pill is shipped.
Staff writer Katie Bernard contributed to this article.
This story was updated to include a comment from Sen. McCormick.
On the way back to the office from an assignment about pet bakeries, my colleague and I stumbled upon a true ice cream lover’s paradise: a rare brick-and-mortar Mister Softee.
While the trucks and their iconic jingles are a dime a dozen in the summertime, a free-standing Mister Softee is about as common as two Philly sports teams winning on the same night. (Too soon?) This one is cash only and open year-round, with a menu that spans ice cream swirls and floats to milkshakes and chocolate-covered bananas. My cup of strawberry and banana soft serve was thick, silky smooth, and anything but artificial-tasting. The roadside stand also gets bonus points for on-season sprinkles. It really is about the little things. Mister Softee of Pennsauken, 3605 Haddonfield Rd., Pennsauken, N.J., 856-662-3787, Facebook page
— Beatrice Forman
Francobolli at Fiorella
On a recent girls’ night out, my friends and I sat at the bar and took it upon ourselves to try four plates of pasta from Fiorella. A noble task, I know! There were no misses, and the current agnolotti dish — stuffed with a sweet polenta and topped with chanterelles — was exceptional.
But the dish that lives rent free in my head nearly a week later is the Francobolli clam pasta. We almost didn’t order it, but the bartender insisted; a man has never been more right on a girls’ night out. A pasta-fied take on vongole su crostini aka clam toast, the postage stamp-shaped pasta was stuffed with breadcrumbs and served in a white, brothy sauce topped with littleneck clams. It’s worth seeking out. Fiorella, 817 Christian St., 215-305-9222, fiorellaphilly.com
— Emily Bloch
The Francobolli at Fiorella, a pasta-fied version of clam toast.
Gourmet lamb sampler (for two!) at Zorba’s Taverna
I don’t need a fancy restaurant for my birthday. I prefer the comfort of a neighborhood favorite, and few are as wonderfully reliable as Zorba’s, the 28-year-old taverna that is one of Fairmount’s cornerstone restaurants. To begin with, a flaming platter of ouzo-splashed saganaki cheese beats a birthday candle every time. But Zorba’s also delivers a wide array of some of the most consistent traditional Greek cooking in the region, and the “gourmet” lamb platter for two is a true celebratory feast. (This is not to be confused with the also-delicious charcoal-grilled platter for two, which includes some fantastic lamb chops.)
The platter I chose is a tribute to the slow-cooked pleasures of lamb in three different styles: slices of tender roasted leg seasoned with garlic and herbs, Smyrna-style meatballs simmered in a cumin-scented red wine and tomato sauce, and finally, a meltingly soft mallet of lamb shank glazed in a lemony white avgolemono sauce with artichokes (a distinctive dish I sometimes order solo). This is rustic home cooking at its best, with deep flavors prioritized over fancy presentation. The platter’s aroma is entrancing, and, the tangy potatoes and mixed well-cooked veggies on the side make it extra hearty. My fork wouldn’t stop roaming until I savored every bit. Zorba’s Taverna, 2230 Fairmount Ave., 215-978-5990, zorbastavern.com
— Craig LaBan
The gourmet lamb platter for two at Zorba’s in Fairmount includes Smyrna-style meatballs, roasted leg, and a lamb shank in avgolemono sauce with artichokes.
Fried skate cheeks at My Loup
Bacalao who? My Loup’s fried skate cheeks are an elevated take on cozy fish fritters. The crispy fried batter works perfectly with the sweet, tender, puffed-up fish meat. The three balls are finished off with ají dulce peppers and a subtle horseradish sauce. My Loup, 2005 Walnut St.,(267) 239-5925, myloupphl.com
— Emily Bloch
Fried skate cheeks from My Loup in Rittenhouse Square.
Smash burger at American Sardine Bar
When I moved into my new apartment, my first priority was clear: Scout the neighborhood for my bar— a place where I will eventually be on a first-name basis with the bartenders. American Sardine Bar is well on its way to being that place. I’ve been four times since moving.
My first meal was top-notch: a Caesar salad with a side of French fries and a martini. A stellar way to begin this journey. This week, however, I sank my teeth into one of the best burgers I’ve had. American Sardine Bar’s smash burger (the best kind of burger, in my opinion) is a perfectly cooked beef patty nestled between pickled shallots, pickle slices, a 10K sauce, and a butter-toasted brioche bun. I’m not on a first-name basis yet, but I will go back and order as many smash burgers as I need to to make my dream a reality. American Sardine Bar, 1800 Federal St., 215-334-2337, americansardinebar.com
When he looks up from assembling the Phillies’ roster, Dave Dombrowski watches sports. One thing recently caught his eye. The Golden State Warriors are poised to open the NBA season with four starters who are 35 or older.
“It’s never happened before,” he said.
Dombrowski, the team’s president of baseball operations, brought this up Thursday, midway through his 54-minute news conference in Citizens Bank Park, to make a point: Aging teams can contend for titles.
It’s relevant because if the Phillies achieve their offseason priority of re-signing free agents Kyle Schwarber and J.T. Realmuto, who will be 33 and 35 next season, at least four of the top hitters in the projected opening-day lineup will be 32 or older and locked up to multiyear contracts. It would be so uncommon that Schwarber joked about it several months ago.
“We would love to all finish our careers together,” he said. “But who would want to come out and want to watch a bunch of 40-year-old dudes play baseball? Right?”
Warriors fans might not mind the basketball version, but there’s a notable difference. Whereas Stephen Curry and Draymond Green won four championships together before teaming with Jimmy Butler and Al Horford, the Phillies’ core — Bryce Harper (33), Trea Turner (32), Schwarber, Realmuto, and pitchers Zack Wheeler (35) and Aaron Nola (32) — is still title-less.
The Phillies are coming off 96 wins, 95 last season, and 90 the year before. It would be irrational to blow it all up based on one bad week in each of the last three Octobers and impractical given all the long contractual commitments made by Dombrowski and owner John Middleton.
Phillies president of baseball operations Dave Dombrowski must balance blending an aging core with young players from the farm system.
But in addition to an eyebrow-raising challenge to Harper — “I guess we only find out if he becomes elite or if he continues to be good. … I’ve seen guys at his age that level off, or I’ve seen guys rise again. We’ll see what happens” — the takeaway from Dombrowski’s end-of-season gab session was that he realizes the need for an infusion of youth, even as the Phillies prepare a nine-figure offer to Schwarber and discuss how far to go to retain Realmuto.
To extend the NBA comparison, the Phillies must incorporate their Moses Moody and Jonathan Kuminga, the 23-year-olds among the Warriors’ graybeards.
“We have some young players that we’re going to mesh into our club,” Dombrowski said. “I’m not going to declare that anybody has a job. But there will be some people that we’re really open-minded to being with our big league club next year, coming out of spring training.”
Unsurprisingly, Dombrowski mentioned outfielder Justin Crawford and right-hander Andrew Painter. He also name-checked Otto Kemp, who made his major-league debut in June and could fit next season as a right-handed bench bat.
But Dombrowski said he “wouldn’t even preclude [infielder] Aidan Miller from being that type of guy” to contribute in 2026, an indication that the Phillies are ready to push down harder on the prospect pedal.
They were conservative this season, consistent with their recent philosophy. A recent Fangraphs study showed that only 24 players have made their major- league debut with the Phillies since 2022, the third-fewest in baseball after the Yankees and Braves.
The trend must change.
“It’ll be very interesting next spring training because those guys, they’re on the doorstep, and a couple of them are ready to go,” manager Rob Thomson said of Crawford, Painter, and Miller. “So we’ll see. I love young players because they always bring energy. But they have to perform, too.”
Phillies outfield prospect Justin Crawford won the triple-A International League batting crown with a .334 average.
Front and center, or stage left?
At times this summer, the Phillies got “very close,” a team source said, to calling up Crawford.
Instead, they left the 21-year-old in triple A.
Never mind that left fielder Max Kepler was drowning, with a .201 average and .661 OPS through July 25. Rather than releasing the $10 million veteran and replacing him with Crawford, the Phillies gave Kepler a longer rope. And after trading for Harrison Bader at the deadline, there wasn’t an opportunity for Crawford to play every day in the majors.
But Crawford reached base at a .411 clip for Lehigh Valley and won the International League batting crown with a .334 average. He stole 46 bases and led the farm system with 147 hits.
“I don’t know what else he really does at the minor-league level at this point,” Dombrowski said. “He’s led leagues in hitting. He steals bases. He’s a good energy guy. He’s a solid outfielder.”
Go ahead, then, and pencil in Crawford for a spot in the season-opening outfield.
Differences of opinion about Crawford once focused on his offense, notably his extreme tendency to hit the ball on the ground. Now, it’s more whether he’s best suited for center field or left.
Crawford got drafted as a center fielder and played there exclusively for three years. He shifted to left field more often late this season, especially once Johan Rojas got sent back to triple A. Crawford’s dad, Carl, played left field for 15 years in the majors.
Dombrowski might have hinted at the Phillies’ thinking by saying Kepler is “not going to most likely be back because he’s a free agent and we have Justin Crawford coming.” And Thomson said Crawford is “maybe a little better in left than he is in center,” based on internal reports.
Other team officials don’t fully concur.
Some Phillies officials believe Justin Crawford is best suited to play left field. Others think he can handle center.
“I see Justin as a center fielder,” minor-league director Luke Murton said. “We’re very confident in his ability to play center field. It’s just a matter of, he’s played less left field over the course of his career, so give him exposure to that so when the opportunity comes, if he has to go to the big leagues and play left field, then he’s prepared to do that.
“But I think, as an organization, we see him as a center fielder.”
It would simplify the outfield picture if Crawford is able to handle center field.
Bader, who stabilized center field after the trade, is expected to decline his $10 million mutual option. The Phillies would feel less urgency to bring him back in free agency off his career-best season at the plate.
And they could commit to Brandon Marsh, also a better defender in left field than center, as at least the lefty-hitting side of a corner outfield platoon, which would enable them to focus on finding a replacement for malcontented right fielder Nick Castellanos, all but certain to be traded or released.
Regardless, it will be Crawford’s time. At last.
“I don’t expect him to carry our club in the very beginning of the season, but you also don’t want to put him in where you think it would be a bit too much for him,” Dombrowski said.
“I don’t think that’s going to happen. He has never been overwhelmed when he’s been with us at any level, and we keep moving him up. You want to just see that he just continues to handle himself the same way that he has,” Dombrowski said.
Phillies top pitching prospect Andrew Painter struggled in triple A in his first season back from Tommy John elbow surgery.
‘He’s going to be fine’
Don’t look now, but there will probably be a spot for Painter in the season-opening starting rotation.
Really. It’s true this time.
In 2023, a few team officials predicted that Painter would make the team out of camp even though he was 19 and hadn’t pitched above double A. He injured his elbow and wound up needing Tommy John surgery.
Last winter, in outlining the plan to build Painter’s workload in his return to the mound, Dombrowski infamously said he could be ready for the majors by “July-ish.” Instead, the top prospect had a 5.40 ERA in triple A.
It’s doubtful, then, that Dombrowski will pin yet another timetable on Painter. But with Ranger Suárez headed to free agency and Wheeler recovering from thoracic outlet decompression surgery, Painter’s long-awaited debut could come early next season.
“I think he’s going to be better the second year out after the Tommy John [surgery],” Thomson said. “The command’s going to get better. The quality of stuff’s going to get a little bit better. He’s going to be fine.”
Rival talent evaluators generally agree. One NL scout said last month that he has “appropriate concern” about the decline in Painter’s command but is inclined to “cut him some slack” after not pitching for two years.
There were encouraging signs last month. In his second-to-last start, Painter tossed five scoreless innings. He shut out Syracuse for three innings before allowing three runs in the fourth in his final start.
Even if Suárez bolts, Cristopher Sánchez, Jesús Luzardo, Nola, and Taijuan Walker are rotation holdovers. The Phillies are optimistic that Wheeler will return. They can’t say for sure that he will still be elite.
Painter’s time is coming. Maybe even in April.
“He still throws his fastball in the upper-90s, touches 100, still has quality breaking stuff,” Dombrowski said. “Most importantly, he remained healthy. So, those things are the encouragement. He used to have great command. It wasn’t quite as good this year. And normally, when you trace back to a lot of people that have had Tommy John, that’s the last thing that comes back. We’re optimistic that he’ll be able to regain that.”
Phillies infield prospect Aidan Miller went 9-for-27 with two doubles and a homer in an eight-game triple-A cameo to end the season.
Miller time?
Murton was skeptical in spring training when minor-league baserunning coordinator Gary Cathcart recommended that Miller be among the players who got a green light to run.
“I was like, ‘Hey man, I don’t think Aidan Miller’s going to steal a ton of bases in the big leagues. That’s just me,’” Murton said. “He’s like, ‘Well, I think he’s going to.’ I’m like, ‘Yeah, I don’t.’”
Murton relented. A few months later, he marveled that Miller already swiped more than 20 bases. Miller finished with 59, including seven steals in eight games at triple A to end the season.
In hindsight, even Miller didn’t see it coming.
“Honestly, no,” he said last month. “I don’t really know if I’m faster this year. Maybe a little bit. But I think I’m just being more aggressive on the bases.”
Miller’s path to the majors might be accelerated, too.
After a slow start, he batted .356 with a 1.099 OPS in his last 36 games. If the Phillies trade Alec Bohm this winter, after dangling him in talks last offseason, Miller could be in the wings at third base, even though he has played shortstop so far throughout the minors.
“He’s played some second, he’s played some third, but he’s primarily been a shortstop, so we’d have to make sure that we properly prepared him to do that,” Dombrowski said. “That’s still a discussion that we’ll have to have. But he’s a really good player and a good athlete. And he can hit.
“If Miller’s coming up here, he’s going to be an everyday player at the beginning of his career. We’re not going to bring him up and not play the majority of time.”
Miller was scheduled to play in the Arizona Fall League, but the Phillies decided that it was better if he rested after a long season. Besides, he could be in for a big spring training.
If it seems fast, consider this: When Dombrowski ran the Red Sox, he called up Andrew Benintendi from double A in 2016 and Rafael Devers a year later after only six triple-A games, two fewer than Miller played this season.
Former President Barack Obama endorsed U.S. Rep. Mikie Sherrill, the Democratic nominee for New Jersey governor, who is locked in a tight race with Republican Jack Ciattarelli.
Obama’s announcement just weeks ahead of the Nov. 4 election came in the form of an ad paid for by Sherrill’s campaign that Sherrill shared on X Friday morning.
“Mikie is a mom who will drive down costs for New Jersey families,” Obama said in the ad, echoing her campaign’s core message. “As a federal prosecutor and former Navy helicopter pilot, she worked to keep our communities safe.”
“Mikie’s integrity, grit, and commitment to service are what we need right now in our leaders,” he adds.
I'm honored to have President @BarackObama on Team Mikie.
This movement is about delivering something better for New Jersey — lower costs, more opportunity for our kids, and a government that's truly accountable to the people. pic.twitter.com/A0f5mHr0GI
Sherrill maintains a single-digit leadin polls over Ciattarelli, a former Assembly member who also ran for governor in 2017 and 2021 and has the endorsement of President Donald Trump.
In a statement, Sherrill praised Obama for leading “historic efforts to lower healthcare costs” and criticized Ciattarelli for defending cuts to Medicaid in Trump’s “big beautiful bill.”
“There’s so much at stake in this election, so President Obama and I are mobilizing New Jerseyans to make a plan to vote on or before November 4,” Sherrill added.
Sherrill last week appeared in South Jersey last week with Sens. Cory Booker (D., N.J.) and Amy Klobuchar (D., Minn.) and in her hometown of Montclair with former U.S. Rep. Gabby Giffords, an Arizona Democrat. She will appear in this weekend with Maryland Gov. Wes Moore.
Ciattarelli appeared on Wednesday with Ohio gubernatorial candidate Vivek Ramaswamy, who co-founded Trump’s DOGE and who appeared at a GOP summit in Atlantic City earlier this year to garner enthusiasm ahead of the gubernatorial primary.
Trump does not currently have plans to appear in the state with Ciattarelli, Axios reported. While New Jersey shifted more in support of Trump in 2024 he still lost the state by 6 percentage points.
Last week at the Vatican, two Villanova legends finally came together: Pope Leo XIV and former basketball star Maddy Siegrist.
Siegrist took a short trip to Rome to visit the big landmarks, including the Trevi Fountain and the Colosseum and spent a day with Villanova at an Augustinian conference, where she got to meet the pope.
Last year, the Villanova women’s basketball team took a group trip to Italy and the Vatican, but Siegrist, still in the middle of the WNBA season, couldn’t attend. This time around, after the Dallas Wings were eliminated from playoff contention, Chrissy Quisenberry, who helps organize alumni trips at Villanova, reached out to let Siegrist know they were planning another trip and that they might get an audience with the pope, also a Villanova graduate.
“People always joke because he [went to] Villanova, like, ‘Is he going to do the wedding?’” said Siegrist, who’s engaged to Stephen Perretta, an assistant women’s basketball coach at Drexel and the son of former Wildcats coach Harry Perretta. “When it did happen, I was like, ‘Oh my gosh, this is crazy.’ We have a family group chat of all my cousins and aunts and grandparents. I sent the picture, and they’re like, ‘Are you joking?’ It was kind of a last-minute trip, so I didn’t really tell anyone because I didn’t know — when they said audience, it could be 1,000 people outside, which would have been unbelievable, but I didn’t realize I was actually going to have the opportunity to shake his hand.”
The group attended mass at St. Peter’s Basilica and toured the catacombs before meeting with Pope Leo. Siegrist got a photo shaking the pope’s hand — which she did have to pay for, like a Disneyland ride photo — and said it was a bucket list moment, which “rejuvenated” her Catholic faith.
Pope Leo XIV wears a Villanova hat gifted to him during a meeting with an Italian heritage group in June.
Pope Leo frequently goes viral for his White Sox fandom and has been pictured in Villanova hats on multiple occasions since assuming his new role. But even with a group from Villanova in the building, Siegrist said he was careful to stay impartial.
“He’s not biased at all,” Siegrist said. “I’ve seen a few pictures of Villanova hats and stuff. I think he addressed that. Dr. [Barbara] Wall was on the trip, she was one of his professors, so that was pretty cool to be with her during that moment. He knew there was a small group from Villanova at the conference, I think about 20-25 people. Such a cool experience. I really don’t even remember what I said in the moment. You just get so starstruck. You’re so nervous.”
This week’s Shackamaxon is about field trips, political systems, and state budget shenanigans.
Perspective vs. parochialism
Five members of City Council, several Council staffers, three state representatives, and the head of the Philadelphia Parking Authority are taking a field trip up to Hoboken, N.J., next week, with the aim of learning more about how that city managed to eliminate traffic deaths. Hoboken hasn’t just done so forone year or two — the Mile Square City has gone without a vehicular fatality since 2017. Council President Kenyatta Johnson deserves credit for being willing to learn from other places, something Council has traditionally been hostile to.
Still, if our local legislators want to truly have their minds blown, they should head farther north. No, not Boston. The city they should learn from is Montreal, where my wife and I spent last weekend.
The city known as “Le Belle Ville” shares a lot in common with Philadelphia. Unlike Hoboken, which is ultimately a satellite city of Manhattan, Montreal is the center of its own metropolitan area, and the biggest city in Quebec. While there are zip codes in Philadelphia that have more residents than the North Jersey hamlet, Montreal has over 1.7 million inhabitants. It also has a riverside Old City, a park named for Marconi, an often contentious relationship with their state provincial government, a plethora of Second Empire architecture, a storied Chinatown, an expansive urban park that’s a bit of a hike to get to, and they call their downtown “Centreville,” or Center City.
Unlike Philadelphia, however, Montreal’s leaders embrace being a city, rather than trying to plug their square suburban preferences into a round metropolitan hole. The difference in quality of life is easy to see, even on a short trip.
People gather next to the Lachine Canal on a warm spring day in Montreal in 2021.
As my colleague Stephanie Farr pointed out, Philadelphia lacks even a single regularly pedestrianized corridor, while in Montreal, you’ll find them all over the place. Montreal’s mayor, Valerie Plante, credits its pedestrianization program with attracting additional tourists and boosting the local economy. There are more cyclists in Montreal than here in Philadelphia, and yet, you were less likely to encounter them speeding past you on the sidewalk, with even older riders and parents of small children feeling comfortable and safe riding in the street, thanks to traffic calming in residential areas and abundant paths elsewhere.
Additionally, their embrace of city life means a much more pleasant transit experience. In the four hours I spent riding the rails in Montreal, I did not notice a single person smoking cigarettes or marijuana on board a train or inside a metro station. I smelled both on my first trip back on SEPTA. Many Montrealers smoke. You’ll even find a recreational cannabis dispensary along Rue Saint-Paul, their historic thoroughfare, but they respect their transit system enough to refrain while on board. Imagine that!
Real choices
It would be easy to cite cultural differences as the primary reason why things seem to work better up north. But culture is not stagnant; it interacts with politics and policy. There are differences in electioneering between the City of 100 Steeples and the City of Brotherly Love, as well.
Since Philadelphia enacted the 1951 Home Rule Charter, the Democratic Party has dominated city politics. Many Council members are reelected without facing a credible challenge. Local Republicans stand little chance, especially with their colleagues in Washington and Harrisburg routinely demonstrating their contempt for our city.
A sign in the Fairmount neighborhood in May.
The city’s new, progressive opposition, the Working Families Party, is often more focused on national issues than things city government has direct control over. In fact, it urged people to vote for it in order to stop Donald Trump. Neither opposition party has been willing to tackle local good government priorities like councilmanic prerogative or eliminating row offices. This makes achieving change in this city feel impossible, which probably contributes to what former Inquirer columnist Helen Ubiñas famously called “the Philly Shrug.”
In Montreal, however, voters have a real choice. They even have municipal political parties, meaning voters have to form their own opinions about local issues.
Budget blame game
Harrisburg Democrats are increasingly convinced state Senate Republicans are holding up the budget to boost state Treasurer Stacy Garrity’s chances in next year’s governor’s race. Garrity is currently behind by about 16 points in the polls. Republican consultant Chris Nicholas, one of the more reasonable members of his party, insists this is not the case, claiming that if it were, the treasurer would have unveiled her loan program earlier for Pre-K Counts programs and groups that provide rape and domestic violence prevention and response services.
State Treasurer and Republican candidate for governor Stacy Garrity holds a rally in Bucks County at the Newtown Sports and Events Center in September.
Still, it is hard to avoid thinking a Josh Shapiro landslide in 2026 could have an adverse effect on the campaigns of Republicans who are up for reelection next year.
Of course, holding up needed state cash might only make things worse. The county commissioners in state Senate President Pro Tempore Kim Ward’s Westmoreland County canceled their public meetings because there’s no money to spend. As Spotlight PA’s Stephen Caruso has outlined, nonprofit service providers are already feeling the pain, taking on debt that will hurt their ability to provide care for years to come.
It’s too bad that kind of pain has not been felt by our representatives.
State Sen. Sharif Street has an early fundraising lead over his competitors in next year’s Democratic primary for a storied Philadelphia congressional seat, according to new campaign finance reports.
But the race is in its early stages, and candidates who entered the race after Street still have plenty of time to catch up before the May 2026 primary.
Street, the son of former Mayor John F. Street, entered the race for Pennsylvania’s 3rd Congressional District in early July,days after U.S. Rep. Dwight Evans (D., Philadelphia) announced he would not seek reelection. Street’s campaign launch coincided with the beginning of the campaign finance reporting period, allowing him three full months to solicit contributions and seek endorsements.
He took in about $352,000 from July 1 through Sept. 30, according to the Federal Election Commission. His campaign spent $33,000 during that time, and he finished the period with $372,000 in cash on hand, which is also the most of any candidate in the race. (Street’s cash reserves are higher than his fundraising because he carried over money from a previous campaign account.)
“Our strong fundraising results put us in a commanding position,” Street campaign manager Josh Uretsky said in a statement. “We’re building a strong campaign that will hit every neighborhood in the Third District by leveraging our broad-based coalition.”
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Rabb’s haul was notable for a candidate with little support among Philadelphia’s established political organizations, such as the deep-pocketed building trades unions that endorsed Street this week. As he has in past runs, Rabb said he is eschewing contributions from corporate-backed political action committees, and tapping into a national network of progressive small-dollar donors.
“This is a robust, grassroots campaign that’s fueled and funded by a growing movement of Philadelphians and citizens far & wide who want a bold, independent-minded and accountable Democrat to represent the bluest congressional district in the nation,” Rabb said in a statement.
His campaign spent $76,000, and carried forward $181,000.
State Rep. Morgan Cephas, a West Philly Democrat who chairs the Philadelphia delegation to the state House, collected $156,000 in contributions, a respectable sum given that she entered the race about a month before the reporting deadline. Her campaign spent $37,000 and had $119,000 in cash.
In a statement, Cephas said “the excitement about our campaign is palpable.”
“I understand the problems of Philadelphia because I’ve lived them for the last 41 years,” Cephas said. “Together we can deliver real results for our community.”
“Since day one, this campaign has been fueled by healthcare professionals, small business owners, and working families across Philadelphia who are ready to take power back from leaders bought by corporate interests,” Oxman said in a statement.
David Oxman, an intensive care doctor and medical school professor at Thomas Jefferson University Hospital, is running for Congress. Oxman, 58, of Bella Vista, joins a race that includes State Reps. Sharif Street and Chris Rabb to replace retiring U.S. Rep. Dwight Evans.
“As a scientist, teacher, and a non-politician running an outsider campaign, my focus is on connecting with everyday Philadelphians,” Morris, a computer scientist, said in a statement. “Career politicians and the donor class want politics as usual. I’m prepared to make sure everyone in Philadelphia receives equal benefits and equal protections.”
“In just a few weeks in the race, Dr. Stanford has generated significant momentum — in contributions, volunteer engagement, and community enthusiasm,” Stanford campaign manager Aaron Carr said in a statement.
Pennsylvania’s 3rd Congressional District, which includes parts of North, Northwest, West, and South Philadelphia, is one of the most Democratic seats in the nation. With Evans retiring from the seat he has held for nearly a decade, the field could still be in flux as more Philly politicians eye the potentially once-in-a-generation ticket to Washington.
Map of Pennsylvania’s Third Congressional District.
While the race remains competitive, Street’s early fundraising lead will help cement his status as the favorite of the local political establishment. Democratic City Committee chair Bob Brady said this week that party ward leaders will likely vote to endorse Street after this year’s election cycle wraps up next month.
“We’re fully prepared to take advantage of this early lead,” Uretsky said.
Brian Fitzpatrick outraises competitors in Bucks County congressional race
Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R., Bucks and Montgomery) speaks during the opening session of the National Treasury Employees Union (NTEU) Legislative Conference in Washington in March.
Unlike the deep-blue 3rd District, the fate of the 1st District will likely be decided in next year’s general election, and not the primary. The district, which includes all of Bucks County and a part of Montgomery County, is the only Philadelphia-area congressional seat represented by a Republican.
Harvie, viewed as the favorite to win the Democratic nomination, raised $217,745 last quarter. The other Democrat in the race, attorney Tracy Hunt, raised $36,692.
This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.
The homicide clearance rate this year has hovered between 86% and 90% — the highest since 1984, when the department recorded a 95% clearance rate.
The change is a welcome improvement from the challenges of 2015 to 2022, when the rate of solved homicides hovered around 50% or less and dropped to a historic low of 41.8% in 2021, according to police data.
Just as there’s no single explanation for the drop in shootings, there’s no simple answer to why detectives are closing cases more quickly this year. And a higher arrest rate doesn’t account for whether a defendant is convicted at trial.
But interviews with law enforcement officials and a review of police data and court records suggest a few likely factors: the overall decline in violence, which gives officers more time to investigate, and recent investments in technology that give detectives faster access to evidence.
Here are five things contributing to the improved clearance rate:
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Simple math
The clearance rate is calculated by dividing the number of homicide cases solved in a given year — regardless of when the crime occurred — by the number of homicides that occurred in that same year.
And so the apparent improvement partly comes down to simple math: with dramatically fewer killings this year, even fewer total arrests can boost the clearance rate.
Through August, police had solved about 60% of the killings in 2025, but because they’ve cleared nearly 50 others from previous years — and because there are a third as many homicides as three years ago — the rate goes up.
Still, that number is notable. Only about a third of killings that occurred in 2021 and 2022 were solved that same year, according to an Inquirer analysis of court records and police data.
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Time
The significant reduction in violence this year has given detectives the time to solve their cases, both old and new.
During the pandemic — as the city recorded about 2,000 homicides in just four years — detectives were handling 10 to 15 cases each year, more than twice the workload recommended by the U.S. Department of Justice.
This year, it’s half that.
That’s making a difference. Detectives this year appear to be solving cases more quickly than years past, according to an Inquirer analysis.
Through August, police arrested a suspect within a week in about 31% of cases — up from just 15% three years ago.
A video camera at Jasper and Orleans Streets in Philadelphia.
Cameras are everywhere
Just in the last year, police have doubled the number of “real-time crime” cameras on Philadelphia’s streets. In 2024, police said there were 3,625 of the ultrahigh-resolution cameras across the city. This year, there are 7,309.
And there are tens of thousands of other cameras through SEPTA, private businesses, and residents’ home-surveillance systems that give detectives leads on suspects.
Police have also recently installed hundreds of license plate readers — 650 for every patrol vehicle and another 125 on poles across the city.
The department also subscribes to a software that taps into a broader network of millions of other plate readers — on tow trucks, in parking garages, and even private businesses across the region.
Police said the tools are helping them track shooters’ movements before and after a shooting and locate getaway cars more quickly, by searching a vehicle’s license plate or even by its make and model.
Police locate a gun and a cell phone on the 700 block of East Willard Street, where a man in his 20s was fatally shot in December 2024.
Phones and social media
Philadelphia police and the district attorney’s office have greatly expanded their digital evidence tools in the past two years.
Where cases once relied on grainy video and often-reluctant witnesses, detectives now have high-definition video footage, partial DNA processors, and cell phone location data — evidence that “never goes away” and doesn’t lie, said Deputy Police Commissioner Frank Vanore.
Getting access to a suspect’s — and victim’s — phones and social media can often tell the story behind a crime.
The Gun Violence Task Force, which investigates gang violence and works closely with homicide and shooting detectives, had just two cell phone extraction devices two years ago. Now, it has 14, plus a host of advanced software that helps investigators track and map gang networks.
Between the homicide unit and the task force, nearly 2,000 phones were processed last year — often giving detectives crucial evidence and information about crimes beyond the one they were initially investigating.
Improved morale
Some detectives, who asked not to be identified to speak frankly about their work, said morale in the homicide unit — and across the department — has improved.
During the pandemic, when shootings surged, tensions in the unit went unchecked, and conditions at the Roundhouse headquarters were dire. The office was overcrowded and infested with vermin, and investigators shared just 15 computers among nearly 100 detectives.
Since moving in 2022 to new offices at 400 N. Broad St., each detective now has a desk and computer, and that has boosted productivity, they said.
The detectives also said that patrol officers seem more empowered than during the height of the gun violence crisis to engage with their neighborhoods and gather information that ends up being important to their investigations.
To hear Michael Blichasz tell it, none of this would have happened if he hadn’t gone asking for a copy of the deed.
City officials never would have come knocking on the door of his nonprofit museum, the Polish American Cultural Center, curious how he came to be the supposed owner of a multimillion-dollar property in the heart of Philadelphia’s historic district.
They never would have begun scrutinizing the decades-long paper trail, the political handshakes, and the forgotten promises made to the once-powerful community leader.
And the quaint Polish history museum that has operated in Society Hill since 1987 would still have its home.
Because for nearly 30 years, City Hall never questioned whether Blichasz’s nonprofit actually owned the building at 308 Walnut St.
“No one mentioned a word about it,” Blichasz, 79, said. “It was totally silent.”
That silence started unraveling seven years ago when, Blichasz said, he requested a copy of the deed in order to get a state grant to make repairs on the five-story property. He had somehow avoided an inquiry for decades, despite securing other grants and contracts to keep alive his nonprofit’s mission: providing Polish immigrants with a one-stop cultural hub that could connect them to city services.
Officials at the Philadelphia Redevelopment Authority (PRA) scratched their heads at the request, according to Blichasz. Records showed the authority owned the museum building, not the Polish group.
PRA eventually took Blichasz to court, accusing him of squatting in the property and failing to pay back millions in loan installments. Blichasz said former Mayor W. Wilson Goode and other elected officials in the late 1980s purchased the property for his group and promised to pay off the debt as a gift to the Polish community.
But apparently those promises were never written down.
“The city has no records [or] evidence anyone in the city ever agreed to pay the balance on behalf of [the Polish museum] to obtain ownership of the property,” Jamila Davis, a PRA spokesperson, said in a statement.
Michael Blichasz, president of the Polish American Cultural Center, stands beside a bust of the former Pope John Paul II.
This much both sides agree on: The Polish American Cultural Center came to occupy the historic building thanks to a rare and generous arrangement in 1987.
Goode approved a $2.1 million bond to buy a permanent home for United Polish American Social Services, a nonprofit run by Blichasz that had been aiding the city’s Polish immigrants since the early 20th century.
The grant led to the birth of the city’s first and only Polish museum, where Blichasz amassed an exhibit hall full of national folk art, portraits of famous Poles such as Pope John Paul II, and historical artifacts dating from the first immigrant settlers to these shores in 1608 to the diaspora that followed the 1939 invasion of the Nazis.
But Goode’s act of benevolence came with a caveat: According to the bond agreement, if the Polish group failed to keep up with payments, the city could kill the deal and take back the building. Blichasz claims Goode and other elected officials at the time, many of whom are now dead, promised he would never have to pay a dime.
“They said, ‘You will pay zero,’” he said.
A copy of a $81,875 check Blichasz provided to The Inquirer represents one of the only payments made by the nonprofit to the city — in August 1988. PRA said Blichasz’snonprofit, all told, paid about $155,000 toward the bond taken out by the city, which grew to $4.6 million with interest.
The Goode administration later applied for a federal grant through the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to pay off the property, according to records provided to The Inquirer.
Blichasz said he was under the impression the deal was done. But those federal funds never materialized — and the city didn’t seek to settle the debt for decades.
Bicentennial cash and ethnic tensions
The museum’s origins lie in the summer of 1987, when City Hall faced accusations of racial and ethnic favoritism.
The city had just unlocked $2 million left from the 1976 Bicentennial, and Council members had sent half that money to nine Black community groups. Anger simmered among white ethnic leaders like Blichasz.
“Reverse discrimination,” Councilmember Joan Krajewski said at the time.
Critics asserted also that regardless of race, the fund was supporting activities with few ties to America’s birthday celebration — from a Trinidadian steelpan orchestra to a Polish-American festival at Penn’s Landing led by Blichasz.
At the time, however, Blichasz’s nonprofit was also trying to move its headquarters from Fairmountto Philadelphia’s historic district.
And the city had already agreed to pay for the new building.
After the city inked the bond purchase on behalf of the Polish group, Blichasz vowed to increase the nonprofit’s annual budget by 50% to keep up with repayment. Goode promised the group leniency, but newspaper articles from the time show no offer to fully wipe the debt.
Blichasz was confident. Donors in the Polish community, he said, would “respond with joy” to bring this first-of-its-kind museum to life in Philadelphia.
But the joy proved less than hoped.
Months later, Blichasz was back at City Hall asking for a bailout. His group had raised only a fraction of its $1 million goal and needed an additional $350,000 to pay the mortgage and museum build-out costs.
He pointed out that the city had financed capital projects for other ethnic groups, including the Mummers Museum, the African American history museum, and the Jewish museum.
“This is going to tell us just how appreciated the good, taxpaying Poles are by this country,” Blichasz said at the time.
The museum, he promised, would be “an attraction” that would more than repay its debt.
Then Vice President George H.W. Bush visits the Polish American Cultural Center for the opening published on Aug. 10, 1988, in The Inquirer.
Teaching self-sufficiency
The Polish American Cultural Center opened its doors in August 1988 to a flag-waving crowd of 300 people. Then-Vice President George H.W. Bush attended the ribbon-cutting ceremony, where visitors admired hand-cut Polish crystal and other curios from the homeland.
Alongside the museum, the nonprofit continued to provide the community with services that ranged from English language courses to help with rent and fuel rebates — work Blichasz said was “teaching Polish immigrants to be self-sufficient.”
Much of that work was also financed by the city.
Auditors later raised concern over a six-figure contract the Goode administration dealt to the nonprofit. At the time, the arrangement led former city finance director David Brenner to speculate about Blichasz’s political clout: “Where his influence comes from beats the hell out of me, but no question he’s got it.”
At some point, however, concerns over the debt for 308 Walnut St. disappeared.
As far as Blichasz was concerned, it was absolved after Goode applied for the HUD grant.
Blichasz said officials like Krajewski and Goode insisted his group not cut any more checks to the city, saying “we will take care of it.”
Why PRA did not inquire about the outstanding mortgage agreement remains uncertain. A spokesperson did not immediately respond to a question about the matter, and city records show only one inspection of the property, in 2011.
By the time PRA took a renewed interest, Blichasz had a problem: Many of the people who helped facilitate the initial deal were no longer around to help explain.
The outside of the Polish American Cultural Center.
A historic takeback
The museum fell under the radar until Mayor Jim Kenney’s first term. Soon after Kenney took office in 2016, Blichasz recalled, there was a heated meeting after the nascent administration ended his nonprofit’s six-figure social services contract.
He described the city as more interested in “giving out condoms” than providing help to an increasingly elderly Polish population.
Years later, during an insurance audit of large buildings owned by the Philadelphia Redevelopment Authority, Kenney administration officials were baffled by 308 Walnut St. It’s not clear if the PRA even knew who owned it.
PRA officials toured the building in 2019 and found the museum on the first floor much as it had ever been. But the floors above were in shambles, according to a city employee who toured the property.
The second through fourth floors looked as if their occupants had been raptured, with calendars from the 1980s frozen on the walls and moldy cups of coffee that appeared to date to the same decade.
On the fifth floor, officials said, they found evidence that someone had been sleeping in the building along with boxes of old documents and recording equipment where Blichasz broadcast his Polish American radio hour.
PRA quickly moved to intervene.
“Based on concerning conditions observed during the tour,” PRA said in a statement this week, it hired an engineering firm to document the state of the building. The contractors reported it needed at least $1.8 million to be brought back to code. The lack of maintenance resulted “in potentially dangerous structural issues,” PRA said in a statement.
Blichasz acknowledged water damage from leaks, which he had hoped to repair with state grants. But he called the PRA’s overall assessment of the property a fiction. He said his nonprofit spent “millions” in repairs over the years out of its operating budget.
“It’s very fishy,” Blichasz said of PRA’s inspection.
The agency said in a statement that officials “attempted to negotiate” but that Blichasz “refused to cooperate and repeatedly requested outright ownership” of the property, despite not having complied with the terms of the original deal.
With no legal title, the PRA took the nonprofit to court in 2023. The agency ultimately won, wresting back control of the building. A judge ordered the nonprofit to pay $3.5 million dollars in debt and damages.
This April, the Polish American Cultural Center was evicted.
Michael Blichasz, director of the Polish American Cultural Center museum poses with a bust of astronomer Nicholas Copernicus. Published in the Philadelphia Daily News on Oct. 14, 1988.
Last chance to cut a deal
As the city clawed back the property, Blichasz accused officials of negotiating in bad faith. He also suggested it was a racially motivated attack against his organization to divert funding to nonwhite community groups.
Those who could attest to the original deal are dead or not talking. Krajewski, the former Council member, died in 2013. Blichasz said he hadn’t reached out to Goode in years. Phone calls to the former mayor were not returned.
“When those people were alive, we could have had a nice get-together, a hearing,” Blichasz said. “Now they want to take me to court. I said, ‘Why? You never sat down with us to discuss this.’ All I want to do is keep the original mission and goals alive.”
The ordeal has interested at least one current elected official.
Councilmember Mark Squilla, who represents the area, has acted as a liaison between Mayor Cherelle L. Parker and Blichasz this year. Emails shared with The Inquirer showed that Blichasz turned down three compromise options from Parker that would have either allowed the Polish group to remain in the building under a new lease or helped pay for the group’s relocation.
Squilla acknowledged that the paperwork didn’t support Blichasz’s case. But he argued that his decades of contributions to the city should be considered, too.
“After we did some background research, I figured there’s no way we could find out what really happened,” Squilla said. “So I figured, ‘Why don’t we just work out a deal?’ And unfortunately, the deals that the PRA made were not accepted by the Polish museum folks.”
Squilla introduced a resolution in City Council on Oct. 9 to hold hearings on the PRA’s treatment of Blichasz.
“After 30 years, I believe that they had the right to stay in and use the building,” the Council member said.
On Wednesday, a woman approached the doorway of the museum, asking if it was open.
Inside, standing in the wood-paneled hallway that harkened back to another era, a maintenance worker shooed her away.
Dorothy Womble-Wyatt, 84, of Cherry Hill, innovative teacher and celebrated school principal for the Camden City School District, active church member, mentor, and proud graduate of what is now Fayetteville State University, died Tuesday, Sept. 23, of complications from a heart condition at her home.
For 37 years, from 1968 to her retirement in 2005, Ms. Womble-Wyatt connected with Camden students through progressive teaching techniques, and with classroom colleagues, parents, and nearby residents through her collaborative administrative style.
She was named principal at the old Bonsall Elementary School in 1977 and became the first principal at the new Riletta T. Cream Elementary School in 1991.
“She led the Riletta Twyne Cream Family School with distinction,” the Camden City Advisory Board of Education said in a recent resolution, “guiding its opening in January 1991 and building a school culture centered on high expectations, literacy, and community partnership.”
As a teacher, Ms. Womble-Wyatt focused on elementary school students, and she emphasized how math, geography, spelling, science, English, and other subjects were important in everyday life. She joined the school district in 1968 as a first-grade teacher and served as an administrative assistant before advancing to principal at Bonsall.
Ms. Womble-Wyatt was active with the Order of the Eastern Star.
In its resolution, the Board of Education said she “championed professional learning and innovative classroom practices that advanced student growth.”
Her nephew Micheal W. Moore said: “She was always a teacher at heart. She taught her family when she was young and her classmates in high school. She never stopped.”
As principal at the Cream School, Ms. Womble-Wyatt supervised the transfer of 800 students from four other elementary schools during the 1990-91 school year and told the Courier-Post: “I’m just thinking about a smooth transition. … It’s the same as if you’re moving into a new home. You’re excited moving into a new environment. When you get something nice, you want to keep it that way.”
She supported all kinds of new educational initiatives and lobbied tirelessly for better school supplies and improved healthcare services for Camden students. The Courier-Post covered Cream’s grand opening, and 9-year-old student Bradford Sunkett told the newspaper: “I’m glad to be at a new school. But I’m most glad Ms. Wyatt is here. Ms. Wyatt and the teachers are more important than a school building.”
She cheered in 1992 when community activists cleared a cluttered lot near the school and told the Courier-Post: “It’s a joyful feeling knowing people have listened to what we have to say and did something about it.”
This photo of Ms. Womble-Wyatt appeared in the Courier-Post in 1990 as she was assuming the role of principal at the Cream School.
In 1999, she endorsed a New Jersey state reform program that invited parents to help shape school curriculum. “It’s a great thing for parents because many don’t have the experience of what schools are up against,” she told the Courier-Post. “All they hear is that schools are failing. This lets parents become part of the foundation.”
Ms. Womble-Wyatt was active at Roberts Chapel Missionary Baptist Church in North Carolina, First Nazarene and Zion Baptist Churches in Camden, and New Community Baptist Church in Collingswood. Zion recognized her with a service award in 2008.
“She loved to invite family and friends to attend worship services with her on Sundays and join her for dinner afterward,” her nephew said.
She earned a bachelor’s degree in education and leadership at Fayetteville State in North Carolina and recruited new students everywhere she went. In 2003, the university’s Gospel Choir honored her lifelong support with a concert at Camden High School.
This photo of Ms. Womble-Wyatt was published in the Courier-Post in 1992 during a nearby neighborhood cleanup.
She belonged to the Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority and the Order of the Eastern Star, and spoke often at churches and community groups about Black history. She was honored at Camden’s third annual Women’s Recognition Ceremony in 1996 and earned an Outstanding Citizen’s Award from the local Freemasons in 1997.
“People wanted to be around her,” her nephew said. “She lifted you up.”
Dorothy Marie Womble was born May 16, 1941, in Goldston, N.C. She earned a master’s degree in education from North Carolina Central University, married Glenmore Wyatt in 1967, and they had a son, Glen. Her husband died in 2021, and their son died in 2023.
Ms. Womble-Wyatt collected African artifacts, hosted memorable dinners, and never forgot a birthday. She enjoyed casinos, shopping for gifts, and visiting family and friends.
Ms. Womble-Wyatt earned a master’s degree in education from North Carolina Central University.
On Instagram, a friend called her “an educator par excellence, a fashionista, and genuine lover of people.” Her nephew said: “She was generous and joyous. She was a queen in every right.”
In addition to her nephew, Ms. Womble-Wyatt is survived by a grandson and other relatives. A brother died earlier.
Services were held Oct. 2 and 3 in Camden, and Oct. 12 in North Carolina.
Ms. Womble-Wyatt’s “life was vibrant and ever moving,” her family said in a tribute. “Indeed, her legacy has grown into a gorgeous train of diamonds and appreciation.”
