Category: Politics

Political news and coverage

  • Trump tries — again — to deliver a winning message on affordability

    Trump tries — again — to deliver a winning message on affordability

    President Donald Trump’s attempts to show Americans he cares about their struggles with rising costs began in earnest last month, when he went to a casino in Pennsylvania to talk about affordability — but instead mocked Democrats who use the term and called it “a hoax.”

    Next, he traveled to Detroit to tout his efforts to revive American manufacturing. But again, he called affordability “a fake word by Democrats.”

    Then, on a trip to Davos last week, he unveiled a new domestic housing policy meant to help families struggling with rising costs. There, too, the president stepped on his own announcement by stoking a global crisis over his desire to wrest control of Greenland from NATO ally Denmark.

    Again and again, Trump has tried to stay focused on domestic economic uncertainty, an issue that Republicans fear could hobble them in this year’s midterm elections. Again and again, the president’s attention has drifted elsewhere — and away from the concerns of his restive base. In the past month, he has ordered a strike on Venezuela, considered military action against Iran, and threatened to use force to take Greenland. None of these actions have inspired broad support within his core America First constituency, which the GOP needs to hold Congress.

    On Tuesday, Trump will give it another go. The planned afternoon speech in Des Moines — assuming winter weather doesn’t upend the trip — will focus on energy and the economy. It is part of what White House officials say will be an uptick in domestic travel to avert what even Trump has acknowledged could be a difficult election in November.

    The trip also comes amid growing concern and political pressure on federal law enforcement actions in the aftermath of a fatal shooting in Minneapolis.

    Although the economy has grown steadily in recent months, there are mounting signs of concern. Employers are hiring fewer people, wage growth is slowing, and credit card delinquencies are rising. And while the wealthiest have benefited from rapid stock market gains and rising home values, that hasn’t been the case for most Americans, whose spending power has remained largely flat since the pandemic, according to Moody’s Analytics.

    As a result, people say they feel worse about the economy than they did a year ago. Consumer sentiment ticked up between December and January but remains well below year-ago levels, according to a closely watched survey from the University of Michigan released Friday. Notably, Americans expect inflation to worsen in the coming year, as Trump’s unpopular new tariffs and immigration policies work their way through the economy.

    “It is definitely the issue that voters say is the most important to them,” longtime Democratic pollster Geoff Garin said of affordability. “And it is the issue that is driving Trump’s very high disapproval ratings.”

    Garin said a particular challenge for the president is the effect of his tariff policies, which he remains committed to despite widespread concerns and the threat of still more rising costs.

    “The polling is crystal clear that Americans do not want higher tariffs and understand tariffs are a tax on them that adds to their cost of living,” Garin said.

    Some Republicans are cautiously optimistic that the president can reset his message.

    “I think he’s woken up to where things are now,” said Frank Luntz, a Republican pollster who frequently conducts focus groups on the economy. “He believes he can change the perception by his tenacity. But affordability is a very stubborn issue.”

    A White House official pointed to positive economic indicators, including cooling inflation and growing wages, and said Trump’s uptick in travel could help get those messages across.

    “President Trump has always been most in his element when he’s interacting with everyday Americans,” said the official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to describe internal deliberations about the trip. “The President’s domestic travel will allow him to most effectively underscore how this administration has and continues to deliver economic prosperity for the American people, despite whatever contrived scandals the mainstream media and Democrats would rather focus on instead.”

    Trump’s choice of Iowa for his next stop is noteworthy because he won the state, which has grown more reliably Republican over the last decade, in three consecutive presidential elections. But Democrats have sensed opportunity there, and it is likely to be a major focus in 2026, with open races for governor and U.S. Senate and two competitive congressional seats. All are currently held by Republicans.

    “I’m going to do a lot of campaign traveling,” Trump told reporters on Air Force One while traveling back from Davos last week, acknowledging the historic headwinds the president’s party typically faces in off-year elections.

    “Sitting presidents don’t seem to do well in the midterms,” he said. “I guess over a 50-year period, they won twice. So I don’t know what that is. That’s something down deep. You’d have to ask a psych — really a psychiatrist about that. But we should do great.”

    Trump regularly blames his predecessor, Joe Biden, for many of the current economic conditions. But the two presidents actually have something in common now when it comes to public opinion: They have both struggled to win over Americans on their handling of the economy.

    Biden repeatedly claimed that the economy was better than how average Americans said they felt about it. He believed he didn’t receive what he felt was well-deserved credit for improving economic conditions, but he also lamented his own shortcomings in selling his policies to the public.

    Trump, who won the 2024 election by tapping into economic anxieties and Biden’s handling of them, now also says the economy is better than people think. And he, like Biden, has acknowledged that he needs to do more to promote his policies.

    “People’s sense that he was good on the economy is what propped him up even when they disliked 100 other things about him,” Garin said. “But now to have him so deeply underwater on the economy means there’s really nothing propping him up among the 100 other things.”

    Garin views the economy as a central issue in the November elections and does not see Trump suddenly succeeding at a message reset that he has been trying for unsuccessfully for weeks.

    “I don’t think things are going to change between now and then because Trump’s not going to change,” he added. “He is who he is.”

    Trump’s first major attempt came in December, when he traveled to a casino in Mount Pocono, Pa., and read from charts touting economic data. Behind him, signs read “Lower Prices Bigger Paychecks.”

    But he frequently veered off course, entertaining the crowd but stealing the focus from the economy.

    Trump’s dismissal of the term affordability may itself become a liability, Luntz said, because it’s a word used not just by Democrats. The president risks sounding like he is telling Americans that their struggles with mortgage payments or groceries aren’t real.

    Affordability is “part of the lexicon,” Luntz said. “And you know this if you talk to average voters. All these focus groups I’ve been doing, that’s what came up first. Immigration was important at one point. Russia-Ukraine was for a while. But affordability, and that’s the word Americans use: ‘I can’t afford fill-in-the-blank.’”

    Trump has also suggested that his policies will be effective in the long run even if there is short-term pain, returning to comments he made earlier in his presidency that Americans can do without.

    “You don’t need 37 dolls for your daughter,” he said last month. “Two or three is nice, but you don’t need 37 dolls. So, we’re doing things right. We’re running this country right.”

    The president’s choice of an annual gathering of the world’s financial elite in Davos to formally tout new policies aimed at helping homeowners struck an odd note, too. The announcement got little attention amid his threats over Greenland and high-profile panels of tech billionaires and thought leaders.

    “It’s not fun for him, and the public doesn’t applaud because it’s serious stuff,” Luntz said.

    That may explain the tangents. In Detroit, Trump started talking about affordability, but quickly got in his own way. “No, that’s a word used by the Democrats,” he said. “They’re the ones that caused the problem.”

    He then digressed into riffs about transgender athletes and criticism about lack of unity in his own party (“We got some real losers,” he said — including Mitt Romney, Rand Paul, and Lisa Murkowski). Five minutes later, he returned to economic matters.

    “After real wages plummeted by $3,000 under sleepy Joe Biden, real wages are up by $1,300 in less than one year under President Trump,” he said.

    As he launches a tour focused on the midterm elections, his overarching message is likely to focus on how he’s tried to turn things around. He has until around Labor Day to change public perception on the economy, a time when voter sentiment tends to solidify ahead of elections.

    The task is made more challenging by the fact that some of those who voted for him in 2024 were not wholly behind him but were turned off by Democrats. Those voters largely oppose Trump’s handling of the economy — especially his tariff policies.

    A new CNN-SSRS poll found that 3 in 10 Americans rate the economy positively, and 55% say that Trump’s policies have worsened conditions. Some 64% said that he hasn’t done enough to reduce the price of everyday goods, and even about half of Republicans say he should be doing more.

    “We’ve inherited a mess,” he said last week. “And we’ve made it a beautiful, beautiful picture.”

  • Facing an uphill battle against Gov. Josh Shapiro’s $30 million war chest, Stacy Garrity still has to convince top Republicans she’s worth investing in

    Facing an uphill battle against Gov. Josh Shapiro’s $30 million war chest, Stacy Garrity still has to convince top Republicans she’s worth investing in

    HARRISBURG — In the race for Pennsylvania governor, State Treasurer Stacy Garrity still has a lot of work to do.

    With a little more than nine months until Election Day, the state Republican Party-endorsed candidate must convince top GOP donors that her campaign is worth investing in, making the case that she can motivate voters — and beat popular incumbent Gov. Josh Shapiro.

    And so far, she has significant ground to make up against the Democratic machine Shapiro now effectively controls, as he continues to build his name recognition nationwide.

    Garrity announced earlier this month that from August through December, her campaign raised nearly $1.5 million — almost as much as the 2022 Republican gubernatorial candidate, Doug Mastriano, raised in the entirety of his campaign. But the amount is only a fraction of the $30 million war chest Shapiro has built up over the last few years.

    Republican insiders for months have said privately they see the race against Shapiro, a Democratic governor with consistently high approval ratings and a rising national star, as one they have slim chances at winning in November.

    Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro (right) listens to Stacy Garrity, the 78th state treasurer, at the Forum Auditorium in Harrisburg, Pa., on Jan. 21, 2025. It was the day she was sworn in.

    Still, they’re hoping that Garrity, a retired U.S. Army colonel who in 2024 broke the record for receiving the most votes in a state-level race — a record previously held by Shapiro — will be able to deliver a high enough level of excitement among Republican voters in Pennsylvania to drive them to the polls, where down-ballot races for control of the U.S. House and state Senate are also on the line.

    Some GOP insiders have pointed to Garrity’s limited early fundraising haul as make-or-break for the state’s whole Republican ticket — and the political future of Pennsylvania.

    “This is the Democrats’ first real opportunity to gain a trifecta in Pennsylvania that could lock up Pennsylvania from being a ‘purple’ state to a solid blue state every election here onward,” said Matt Brouillette, who leads Commonwealth Partners and its political action committees, which often contribute to Republican candidates and are largely funded by Pennsylvania’s richest man, Jeffrey Yass.

    Brouillette leads the Commonwealth Leaders Fund, a powerful PAC that sat out the 2022 gubernatorial race that the PAC saw Mastriano as unable to win. Brouillette said in an interview earlier this month that the fund still had yet to decide whether it will invest in Garrity’s campaign.

    There isn’t a specific number Brouillette said he wants to see her raise before he chooses to get involved in the governor’s race, but he is overall “encouraged to see Stacy solidifying support for her candidacy.”

    “Stacy is going to have to attract national investment the way Josh has,” Brouillette said. “Our donors won’t be sufficient. Stacy is going to have to be competitive nationally to make this a race.” (After publication of this story, Brouillette said the PAC would invest in Garrity’s race, but did not disclose a dollar amount.)

    As 2028 inches closer, Shapiro’s national reach continues to grow — and with that, he has been able to flex his fundraising skills across the country. He will publish his first book on Tuesday, a memoir called Where We Keep the Light, in what is largely seen as a telltale sign that a candidate is considering a presidential run. He has promised to use his influence in Pennsylvania to support Democrats down the ballot, including in four congressional districts the party hopes to flip in the midterms — and deliver Democrats a majority in the U.S. House.

    Campaign finance filings detailing who contributed to both Shapiro and Garrity’s campaigns won’t be available until next week. Shapiro broke fundraising records in the 2022 race, and is on track to do the same again this year.

    What’s more: Garrity is also contending with strong headwinds favoring Democrats in November, as support for President Donald Trump wanes.

    Still, Garrity has been rolling out a number of endorsements from top Pennsylvania Republicans, including on Friday from U.S. Rep. Ryan Mackenzie (R., Pa.), who is running for reelection in one of the districts Democrats hope to flip. But she has yet to receive Trump’s support or endorsement, and was not mentioned by Trump when she attended his most recent Pennsylvania rally.

    The hesitancy appears to have extended to the lieutenant governor’s contest. Garrity still has yet to announce who she would like to be her running mate. Only a few candidates have announced their candidacy for lieutenant governor so far, and the state GOP is expected to endorse Garrity’s pick at its February meeting.

    A spokesperson for Garrity’s campaign said she is “humbled by the outpouring of support she’s received from supporters all across the commonwealth, including from members of the Commonwealth Partners’ leadership,” who share her vision for the state and frustrations with Shapiro.

    “No moment crystalized this support more than when the PAGOP took the unusual step of endorsing Treasurer Garrity’s campaign so early, which served as the catalyst for the momentum she’s building to defeat Josh Shapiro this November,” said Garrity’s spokesperson, Matt Benyon, in a statement.

    A spokesperson for the Pennsylvania Republican Party declined to comment.

    Garrity will host a kickoff fundraiser in Philadelphia on Wednesday, said Bob Asher, Garrity’s finance chair.

    As for her fundraising numbers since December, Asher said, with a smile: “Stay tuned.”

    Grassroots support vs. Shapiro’s war chest

    In announcing her first haul, Garrity’s campaign said 97% of her contributions came from Pennsylvania residents, and 75% of the contributions were under $100. Shapiro, for his part, boasted that the $30 million in his campaign coffers came from all of Pennsylvania’s 67 counties, as well as financial support from all 50 states.

    A large number of small-dollar campaign contributions can suggest grassroots support — translating to an energized voter base on Election Day — for a candidate that big-dollar or corporate political action committee funds can’t capture. But the bigger the war chest, the more a candidate can spend to get their name on the airwaves.

    Other GOP insiders are pointing their fingers at the state Republican Party, using Garrity’s early fundraising numbers as proof they are not doing enough to back her up in the race against Shapiro and that they’re setting themselves up for failure in November.

    For Jim Worthington, the owner of the Newtown Athletic Club and a Bucks County GOP power player, Garrity’s early struggles are a result of failings by the state GOP to plan ahead and invest in mail voting.

    “It’s an indictment of the party,” Worthington said. “I understand why some people are hesitant to give money. They’re looking at the tea leaves and saying, ‘Look, we lost the year.’”

    “It’s going to be difficult for Stacy, and I feel bad because she is a hell of a candidate,” he added.

    State Treasurer Stacy Garrity greets supporters after a campaign rally in Bucks County on Sept. 25, 2025. The GOP gubernatorial candidate visited the Newtown Sports & Events Center, in one of Pennsylvania’s top swing counties.

    Worthington said anytime he talks to national Republicans in Washington or Trump’s Mar-a-Lago club, where he’s a member, he mentions Garrity’s race as one in which they should invest.

    At the very least, he argues, top Republicans should help Garrity in an effort to ensure Shapiro doesn’t “have a cakewalk right into 2028,” as speculation continues to surround Shapiro about his political aspirations. Worthington said he even brought this up directly to Vice President JD Vance, the GOP’s expected 2028 successor to Trump, at Vance’s holiday party.

    As for Garrity, Worthington said he believes she can win, calling her “an excellent candidate” with a hard work ethic.

    “Make no mistake, it’s gonna be a tough go,” Worthington added. “But I’m 100% sure she can win.”

  • John Fetterman calls for Minneapolis ICE operation to ‘immediately end,’ while Dave McCormick wants an investigation into the shooting

    John Fetterman calls for Minneapolis ICE operation to ‘immediately end,’ while Dave McCormick wants an investigation into the shooting

    Sen. John Fetterman (D., Pa.) on Monday called for the federal immigration enforcement operation in Minneapolis to “immediately end” after a Border Patrol agent shot and killed a 37-year-old man there Saturday morning.

    “It has become an ungovernable and dangerous urban theatre for civilians and law enforcement that is incompatible with the American spirit,” Fetterman said in a statement Monday.

    The senator’s comments come two days after a federal agent shot and killed Alex Pretti, an intensive care nurse at a VA hospital, on Saturday amid the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown in Minneapolis. An ICE agent shot and killed Renee Nicole Good, a 37-year-old poet and mother, on Jan. 7, provoking protests nationwide.

    But Fetterman stopped short of backing other Democrats’ calls to shut down the government if ICE does not withdraw from the city. The U.S. Senate is poised to vote on funding for the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees both ICE and the Border Patrol.

    Sen. Dave McCormick (R, Pa.) called for a “full investigation into the tragedy in Minneapolis” on Sunday evening, joining a number of Republicans in voicing concern about the escalating tensions in the wake of President Donald Trump’s immigration enforcement crackdown.

    “We need all the facts,” McCormick said in a post on X Sunday, adding that, “We must enforce our laws in a way that protects the public while maintaining its trust. This gives our law enforcement officers the best chance to succeed in their difficult mission.”

    Fetterman ‘wants a conversation’ about DHS funding

    Fetterman said that both Pretti and Good should “still be alive.” And noted that he believes in a secure border while also believing “there needs to be a path to citizenship for those hardworking families who are here.”

    Some Democrats said they would vote against DHS funding in light of Saturday’s shooting, unless restrictions on immigration enforcement were put in place. This could potentially trigger a federal shutdown for the second time in four months.

    Fetterman said he will never vote for a shutdown. However, he does support having a “conversation on the DHS appropriations bill and stripping it from” the overall government funding package.

    “A vote to shut our government down will not defund ICE,” Fetterman said, noting the agency received nearly $180 billion in Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which he opposed.

    “I reject the calls to defund or abolish ICE. I strongly disagree with many strategies and practices ICE deployed in Minneapolis, and believe that must change,” Fetterman said.

    “We must find a way forward and I remain committed to being a voice of reason and common sense,” he added.

    The senator’s public comments followed a Sunday evening social media post from his wife, Gisele Barreto Fetterman, who was formerly living undocumented in the U.S. for more than a decade after emigrating from Brazil.

    “Every day carried the same uncertainty and fear lived in my body — a tight chest, shallow breaths, racing heart,” she said in a post on X. “What I thought was my private, chronic dread has now become a shared national wound. This now-daily violence is not ‘law and order.’ It is terror inflicted on people who contribute, love, and build their lives here. It’s devastatingly cruel and unAmerican.”

    Other Democrats in the region plan to block the funding package without changes.

    Sen. Lisa Blunt Rochester (D, Del.) said in a statement that ICE and federal agents’ actions are “shameful and disturbing.” She called for an end to ICE’s presence in Minnesota, a full investigation into Pretti’s death, and said that she would not be voting for DHS funding.

    “I refuse to support this current package of funding bills as federal agents shoot Americans in the street,” she said.

    McCormick siding with the NRA

    McCormick is one of several Republicans who have voiced concern over violent incidents involving immigration enforcement, without denouncing ICE or Border Patrol. The National Rifle Association, the country’s top gun lobby which has deep ties to the GOP, has called for an investigation.

    The NRA spoke out after it came to light that Pretti was legally carrying a gun that he had a permit for. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem claimed that Pretti was “brandishing” his weapon at federal agents, though in video released by bystanders it appears that was not the case.

    “Responsible public voices should be awaiting a full investigation, not making generalizations and demonizing law-abiding citizens,” the group said in response to a post on X from the first assistant U.S. attorney for the Central District of California, who said: “If you approach law enforcement with a gun, there is a high likelihood they will be legally justified in shooting you. Don’t do it!”

    McCormick said in his statement Sunday that he agreed with the NRA’s statement, which preceded his own, and others in calling for the investigation of Pretti’s killing.

    McCormick qualified his statement on Sunday by maintaining his support for federal immigration enforcement and accusing Minnesota politicians of exacerbating tensions.

    It’s the second time in two days that McCormick spoke out on a highly controversial move by the Trump administration. On Saturday, McCormick said he disagreed with the National Park Service’s decision to dismantle exhibits about slavery at the President’s House at Independence National Historical Park.

  • Trump softens tone as some federal agents expected to leave Minneapolis

    Trump softens tone as some federal agents expected to leave Minneapolis

    MINNEAPOLIS — President Donald Trump softened his tone Monday on the immigration crackdown in Minnesota, touting productive conversations with the governor and Minneapolis mayor as he sent the border czar to take charge of much of the enforcement effort. Some federal agents were expected to leave as soon as today.

    Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey said he spoke by phone with Trump, who praised the discussion and declared that “lots of progress is being made.” Frey said he asked Trump in a phone call to end the immigration enforcement surge and that Trump agreed the present situation cannot continue.

    The mayor said some agents would soon leave and that he would keep pushing for others involved in Operation Metro Surge to go.

    Among those who are expected to depart was senior Border Patrol commander Greg Bovino, a person familiar with the matter told the Associated Press. The person was not authorized to publicly discuss details of the operation and spoke to AP on condition of anonymity.

    Bovino has been at the center of the administration’s aggressive enforcement surge in cities nationwide. His departure marks a significant public shift in federal law enforcement posture amid mounting outrage over the fatal shooting of 37-year-old ICU nurse Alex Pretti by Border Patrol agents.

    Bovino’s leadership of highly visible federal crackdowns, including operations that sparked mass demonstrations in Los Angeles, Chicago, Charlotte, and Minneapolis, has drawn fierce criticism from local officials, civil rights advocates, and congressional Democrats.

    Criticism has increased around Bovino in the last few days after his public defense of the Pretti shooting and disputed claims about the confrontation that led to his death.

    The border czar, Tom Homan, will take charge of Immigration and Customs Enforcement operations in Minnesota.

    Judge hears arguments on crackdown

    A federal judge heard arguments Monday over Minnesota’s challenge to the Trump administration’s immigration enforcement crackdown, posing skeptical questions to both sides about the effort that has led to two fatal shootings by federal officers.

    U.S. District Judge Katherine Menendez is considering whether to grant requests by the state and the cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul to temporarily halt the immigration operation. She said the case was a priority, though she issued no immediate ruling.

    Menendez questioned the government’s motivation behind the crackdown and expressed skepticism about a letter recently sent by Attorney General Pam Bondi to Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz. The letter asked the state to give the federal government access to voter rolls, to turn over state Medicaid and food assistance records, and to repeal sanctuary policies.

    “I mean, is there no limit to what the executive can do under the guise of enforcing immigration law?” Menendez asked. She noted that the federal requests are the subject of litigation.

    Lawyers for the state and the Twin Cities argued that the situation on the street is so dire as to require the court to halt the federal government’s enforcement actions.

    “If this is not stopped right here, right now, I don’t think anybody who is seriously looking at this problem can have much faith in how our republic is going to go in the future,” Minnesota Assistant Attorney General Brian Carter said.

    Brantley Mayers, counsel to the Justice Department’s assistant attorney general, said the government’s goal is to enforce federal law. Mayers said one lawful action should not be used to discredit another lawful action.

    “I don’t see how the fact that we’re also doing additional things that we are allowed to do, that the Constitution has vested us with doing, would in any way negate another piece of the same operation, the same surge,” Mayers said.

    Menendez questioned where the line was between violating the Constitution and the executive’s power to enforce the law. She also asked whether she was being asked to decide between state and federal policies.

    “That begins to feel very much like I am deciding which policy approach is best,” she said.

    At one point, while discussing the prospect of federal officers entering residences without a warrant, the judge expressed reluctance to decide issues not yet raised in a lawsuit before her.

    “I can’t be the global keeper of all things here. Like, presumably that will be litigated,” she said to the state’s attorney.

    The state of Minnesota and the cities sued the Department of Homeland Security earlier this month, five days after Renee Good was shot by an Immigration and Customs officer. The shooting of Alex Pretti by a Border Patrol officer on Saturday added urgency to the case.

    Border czar to Minnesota

    In other developments, Trump said he had a “very good” call with Gov. Tim Walz about the latest shooting and that they are now on a “similar wavelength.” It was an abrupt shift from Trump, who frequently derides Walz for his actions on immigration issues in Minnesota.

    Trump also said he would send border czar Tom Homan to Minnesota. The president’s statement comes after Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and Bovino, who has become the public face of the crackdown, answered questions at news conferences over the weekend about Pretti’s shooting. Trump posted on social media that Homan will report directly to him.

    Since the original court filing, the state and cities have substantially added to their request in an effort to restore the conditions that existed before the administration launched Operation Metro Surge on Dec. 1.

    The lawsuit asks the judge to order a reduction in the number of federal law enforcement officers and agents in Minnesota back to the level before the surge and to limit the scope of the enforcement operation.

    Justice Department attorneys have called the lawsuit “legally frivolous” and said Minnesota “wants a veto over federal law enforcement.” They asked the judge to reject the request or to at least stay her order pending an anticipated appeal.

    Democratic Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison said Sunday that the lawsuit is needed because of “the unprecedented nature of this surge. It is a novel abuse of the Constitution that we’re looking at right now. No one can remember a time when we’ve seen something like this.”

    During a briefing on Monday, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said that a trio of “active investigations” and internal probes of the shooting were underway by federal agencies.

    Leavitt said that the Department of Homeland Security and the FBI were investigating the shooting and that U.S. Customs and Border Protection was “conducting their own internal review.”

    Leavitt said at the briefing that she has not heard Trump commit to release body camera footage from federal immigration officers involved in the shooting and killing of Alex Pretti.

    Leavitt later said that the administration is talking with members of Congress about requirements to have federal immigration officers wear body cameras.

    Leavitt said the shooting and killing of Pretti by a federal immigration officer “occurred as a result of a deliberate and hostile resistance by Democrat leaders in Minnesota.”

    Walz, Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey, and other elected Democrats “were spreading lies about federal law enforcement officers,” Leavitt said at the White House briefing.

    Other state implications

    The case has implications for other states that have been or could become targets of ramped-up federal immigration enforcement operations. Attorneys general from 19 states plus the District of Columbia, led by California, filed a friend-of-the-court brief supporting Minnesota.

    “If left unchecked, the federal government will no doubt be emboldened to continue its unlawful conduct in Minnesota and to repeat it elsewhere,” the attorneys general wrote.

    Menendez ruled in a separate case on Jan. 16 that federal officers in Minnesota cannot detain or tear gas peaceful protesters who are not obstructing authorities, including people who follow and observe agents.

    An appeals court temporarily suspended that ruling three days before Saturday’s shooting. But the plaintiffs in that case, represented by the American Civil Liberties Union of Minnesota, asked the appeals court late Saturday for an emergency order lifting the stay in light of Pretti’s killing.

    The Justice Department argued in a reply filed Sunday that the stay should remain in place, calling the injunction unworkable and overly broad.

    In yet another case, a different federal judge, Eric Tostrud, issued an order late Saturday blocking the Trump administration from “destroying or altering evidence” related to Saturday’s shooting. Ellison and Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty asked for the order to try to preserve evidence collected by federal officials that state authorities have not yet been able to inspect.

    A hearing in that case was scheduled for Monday afternoon in federal court in St. Paul.

    “The fact that anyone would ever think that an agent of the federal government might even think about doing such a thing was completely unforeseeable only a few weeks ago,” Ellison told reporters. “But now, this is what we have to do.”

  • Gov. Josh Shapiro: Trump’s goal, from Minneapolis to Venezuela, is to ‘dictate’ in a ‘facade of strength’

    Gov. Josh Shapiro: Trump’s goal, from Minneapolis to Venezuela, is to ‘dictate’ in a ‘facade of strength’

    Gov. Josh Shapiro revealed new details of what he described as childhood trauma, weighed in on President Donald Trump’s “facade of strength” in U.S. and foreign policy, and promised to work to “bring down the temperature” of political violence in a wide-ranging interview with CBS News Sunday Morning.

    Shapiro told CBS News’ Norah O’Donnell that Trump’s actions are making Americans less safe, and said he has plans in place should the Trump administration attempt a surge of federal agents here.

    “I think what the president is trying to do is show that he can be the dominant figure, that he can dictate behavior, whether we’re talking about Minneapolis or Greenland or Venezuela,” Shapiro said. “This president wants to try and show what he believes to be strength — that I think is a facade of strength and ultimately a veneer of strength.”

    Shapiro, who has been promoting his new memoir, Where We Keep the Light, brought a CBS News producer to the synagogue he’s attended since childhood, Beth Sholom in Elkins Park, to discuss his personal journey.

    He said he has never received therapy for harrowing experiences as a young boy, namely the fallout of his mother’s unspecified mental health struggles, that shaped his path well into adulthood.

    “There were moments where a switch could be flipped and there’d be a lot of yelling and a lot of chaos and a lot of tumult in the house, and you would just want to retreat to your room and try and escape it all,” he said.

    He added that the experience led him to public service: “That constant desire to find a solution to someone else’s problem, that’s driven by childhood trauma.”

    The interview also touched on Shapiro’s vice presidential vetting, in which Vice President Kamala Harris’ presidential campaign asked him if he had been an Israeli agent. “I thought some of the commentary about my wife was not OK,” he said, “and I thought asking me if I was a double agent for the Israeli government was offensive.”

    He said he called Harris’ campaign staffers after the interview to take himself out of the running.

    And, he addressed the issue of political violence, including the arson attack on the governor’s mansion and the “strange conversation” with Trump that followed. “[Trump] said, you know, being president’s a really dangerous job. And he rattled off other jobs that have a lower fatality rate than presidents. And he said it’s very, very dangerous. Just be careful.”

    Shapiro said the incident underscored the need for bipartisanship to “bring down the temperature” on all sides.

    Neither Shapiro nor his interviewers made mention of his 2026 gubernatorial opponent, Republican state Treasurer Stacy Garrity. Instead, the conversation appeared to look ahead to 2028, and Shapiro’s potential as a presidential contender.

    Still, Shapiro remains noncommittal about running. “That’s a conversation for another day,” he said.

  • Eleanor Holmes Norton ends House reelection campaign

    Eleanor Holmes Norton ends House reelection campaign

    Eleanor Holmes Norton’s campaign filed a termination report with the Federal Election Commission on Sunday, signaling that the 88-year-old will not seek an 19th term as D.C.’s nonvoting delegate in the House.

    The lawmaker has faced months of intense public scrutiny about her ability to adequately represent the nation’s capital during an unprecedented period of federal intervention.

    The termination filing, first reported by NOTUS, has the practical effect of ending a candidate’s campaign operation, although it does not prevent them from filing to run for office in the future. Her campaign did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

    The move would bring to a close a three-decade career in which she became known as D.C.’s “warrior on the Hill” and became, to an entire generation of Washingtonians who have known no other House representative, nearly synonymous with the city’s House seat in Congress and its crusade for D.C. statehood.

    But her evident decline in recent months and years — appearing less often in public, speaking more haltingly and largely only from scripts, seeming to struggle with candid interactions or to walk without assistance — ignited concerns that she was not the advocate the city needed during a critical time. Her current term ends in January 2027, when she will be 89.

    Two D.C. Council members — Robert C. White Jr. and Brooke Pinto — have already launched primary challenges against her, among a host of others. Her closest confidante, Donna Brazile, called on her longtime friend to step aside last year. And an October police case, in which she reportedly fell victim to fraud at her home, as NBC4 reported, only accelerated concerns about her vulnerabilities and mental sharpness as she has aged. A D.C. police report described her as having “early stages of dementia.”

    Meanwhile, congressional Republicans have unleashed a cascade of efforts to erode D.C.’s already limited right to self-governance while President Donald Trump castigates the city as dangerous and filthy. During his first year back in office, he seized temporary control of local police, surged immigration enforcement, and deployed armed National Guard troops on city streets.

    D.C. public officials and politicos began publicly voicing concerns about Norton’s ability to represent the District last year given the tenuous relations between the federal government and the nation’s capital.

    Yet Norton (D) has spent months insisting she would seek reelection, raising concern within a party that has had to reckon with the consequences of geriatric leaders clinging to power for too long. While D.C. does not have a vote in Congress, its representative in the House can introduce bills, serve on committees, and spearhead advocacy efforts.

    Her exit from the campaign would set the stage for the first competitive race for the seat since Norton first ran for it in 1990.

    One of Norton’s top staffers, Trent Holbrook, recently left his job as her senior legislative counsel to run for her seat. White (D., At large) and Pinto (D., Ward 2), though, remain the candidates to beat. Other candidates include Kinney Zalesne, a former Democratic fundraiser who has raised more than $400,000; Deirdre Brown, a Democratic organizer in Ward 3; and Vincent Morris, who works in communications.

  • Republicans took control of education. Can Democrats take it back?

    Republicans took control of education. Can Democrats take it back?

    WATER VALLEY, Miss. — A crowd turned out to hear a politician talk big about improving schools, but it wasn’t a Republican railing about transgender athletes or school vouchers or any of the issues the GOP has used to put Democrats into a defensive crouch.

    On this night, the politician taking questions was a Democrat — former Chicago mayor and President Barack Obama’s chief of staff Rahm Emanuel — talking about reading. For the past several years, Republicans have dominated the education debate with a focus on culture war politics. Emanuel, who is exploring a 2028 presidential run, makes the case for returning to the education part of education: achievement and learning rather than book bans and gender identity.

    That would benefit students and, he says, Democrats, who have not led a national conversation about student achievement since Obama was president. Instead, Republicans have been able to make up ground, capitalizing on anger about school closures during the pandemic and heated fights over transgender rights, race and other subjects.

    Emanuel talks about school achievement with a frequency and urgency rarely heard from Democrats in recent years. And he says both parties have wasted time on education culture wars.

    “This distracts us from the priorities of education,” he said in an interview. Questions around gender identity, he said, affect “less than 1 percent of the population and yet dominate 99 percent of the conversation. … You want to pick a pronoun? Great. Now can we focus on the other 35 kids that don’t know what a goddamn pronoun is?”

    While a dozen or more Democratic presidential hopefuls scramble to carve out their identities in advance of the 2028 election, many of them better known than he is, Emanuel is betting that a renewed focus on education can fuel a Democratic victory — and more immediately, his own prospects.

    As Chicago mayor, Emanuel successfully pushed several school reforms, including a longer school day, and saw graduation rates jump. But he had a contentious relationship with the teachers union and his tenure was marred by a seven-day strike. He also angered many Chicagoans by closing 50 schools. He says he has learned from his mistakes and hopes to take some of his successes national.

    Emanuel traveled to Mississippi this month to examine and promote the state’s success in teaching reading. On fourth-grade tests, the state moved from 49th in the nation in 2013 to ninth in 2024 by focusing on what’s called the science of reading — instruction built on sound-it-out phonics. The state combined that with increased funding, a heavy dose of teacher training and support, and a requirement that third graders pass a reading test to advance to fourth grade.

    Emanuel argues that Washington should use federal dollars to incentivize other states to do the same. And he is proposing renewed federal standards and accountability, ideas that faded a decade ago.

    At the town hall meeting in Water Valley, a tiny town in the north of the state, more than 125 people gathered. There were no questions about race, gender or culture wars, giving Emanuel space to drive home his central thesis.

    “We’ve got a 30-year low in reading scores,” he said. “Has a single governor called for an emergency meeting of the governors association?”

    Left unsaid was that he might run against some of those governors in a 2028 Democratic primary.

    Emanuel brought a film crew with him, and within a day of leaving the state, he had posted video from the visit to his social media accounts.

    Rahm Emanuel in 2023, when he served as U.S. ambassador to Japan.

    An education evolution

    Emanuel likes to hark back to an era when education reform was in vogue. A national movement centered on standards and accountability began in the states and culminated with the bipartisan passage of the No Child Left Behind Act in 2001. Schools were required to make progress on annual tests or face escalating consequences.

    Eight years later, Obama continued pressing for accountability with the Race to the Top competition that awarded states with extra federal money for adopting favored policies such as Common Core standards and using student scores to measure teacher quality.

    But by the end of Obama’s tenure, opposition had built to the high-stakes testing that the accountability system was built on. The Race to the Top program ended, and most of the requirements under the 2001 law were reversed. The bipartisan consensus collapsed, and soon the political parties gravitated to their partisan corners.

    Democrats backed increased funding for public schools and racial equity initiatives. They adopted policies in support of transgender students. Today, most Democratic governors continue to focus on new funding — for prekindergarten, community schools, teacher pay, free meals, and other priorities.

    Republicans promoted tax dollars for private school vouchers. During the pandemic, they blamed Democrats for keeping schools closed too long and for requiring measures like masks once school buildings reopened. Conservative parent groups that formed around pandemic issues soon used that momentum to build support for book bans and influence how educators address race and LGBTQ+ issues. GOP legislatures and conservative school boards passed laws and policies restricting how those topics could be dealt with in school.

    Republicans began eating into Democrats’ commanding lead on education issues. In 2006, a Fox News poll found Democrats with a 17-percentage-point lead when asked whom they trust on education issues, though their advantage was not that big in other surveys. By 2022, Republicans had narrowed the gap significantly – som— polls found the parties virtually tied. (Several newer polls have found that Democrats regained their advantage following President Donald Trump’s election.)

    In the wake of the pandemic, scores on national math and reading exams slid to a 30-year low.

    The Trump administration repeatedly cites this data in making the case for closing the Education Department and for backing school choice policies. Now, some Democrats are arguing that their party needs its own response to the slide.

    “It is deeply frustrating to me as a Democrat that we completely ceded this issue,” said Lanae Erickson, senior vice president for social policy, education, and politics at Third Way, a centrist Democratic think tank. “We have absolutely no ideas on the table.”

    In the 2024 presidential election, President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris, who took his place on the ticket, put forward only vague education goals. One day before the election, the Center for American Progress, a leading Democratic think tank, published a set of education recommendations. Even then, there was not much about student achievement.

    Jared Bass, senior vice president for education at CAP, said the group is now working on a new set of proposals that will squarely address academics.

    “There’s a real sense of humility within the party. We used to be the party that was trusted on education,” he said. “We need to get it right.”

    Even with a hunger for action among Democrats, Emanuel’s ideas are likely to face pushback inside his party and beyond. Many progressives argue that racial inequity and racism are to blame for the low achievement rates of many students of color, and they may resist leaders who want to pivot away from those topics. Teachers unions, who are active in the Democratic Party, strongly oppose the accountability systems that rely on standardized testing that Emanuel hopes to bring back.

    Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers and a longtime power in the Democratic Party, said she would oppose a return to accountability systems that too often, in her view, devolved into blaming teachers. Still, she agrees that Democrats need a new vision.

    “Democrats are all too reactive and as a result they have lost ground on education,” she said. “It’s very frustrating.”

    A new Race to the Top

    Emanuel is betting that while other Democratic presidential candidates concentrate on standing up to Trump, voters will want a candidate more focused on their daily concerns.

    On his trip to Mississippi, Emanuel toured an elementary school in Hattiesburg, crouching beside children’s desks to peek at their work and hearing from the principal about what has succeeded. And he met with Jim Barksdale, whose $100 million donation beginning 25 years ago set Mississippi on its path to a new reading program.

    “When do we get to geek out?” he asked Barksdale as they took seats in his living room with a trio of people involved in education in Mississippi. He turned to the group and asked, simply, “How did you do it?”

    After a long conversation about the reading program, Barksdale told Emanuel that a lot of people say they want to learn from Mississippi’s success. “They say, ‘I’m all for it. How’d you do this?’” he said. “And then they don’t do it because it costs money.”

    “It also costs guts,” Emanuel replied.

    Emanuel, long known as a partisan brawler, says he is ready to fight for this.

    In an interview, Emanuel sketched the outlines of the federal program he would like to see. He suggested a new version of Obama’s Race to the Top that would incentivize states to adopt science of reading curriculums — what Mississippi uses — and other policy changes.

    The program, he said, also could encourage high schools to offer more college courses, and he favors a policy he advanced in Chicago requiring all seniors to have a plan for college, trade school or the military to graduate from high school. He also wants to incentivize states to replicate Chicago’s promise of free community college for students who graduate from high school with a B average.

    States would have to adopt these types of changes to get the new federal money, he said. He contrasted that approach with the unprecedented $130 billion in COVID funding that went to K-12 schools under the Biden administration, which Emanuel slammed as having too few requirements. For instance, the program was sold as a way to reopen schools, but districts were not required to reopen.

    He argues that the No Child Left Behind system was too test-driven, but that the country “overcorrected.” The right answer, he said, lies somewhere in between.

    As for the culture wars, he is trying to stay far away. He dismisses some of the racial equity efforts that swept through schools, mocking San Francisco’s effort to rename schools, including one named for Abraham Lincoln.

    He also opposes allowing trans athletes to compete in girls’ and women’s sports, saying it’s not fair to other competitors. But he said he does not know whether he would, if elected president, pull federal funding from schools that resist, as Trump has done, and he said he is not interested in discussing the finer points of these policies. The entire debate, he said, has been a “dead-bang loser” — both politically and for the young people involved.

    As Democrats begin to rethink their positions on education, they will need to weigh whether Emanuel’s prescriptions are the right ones and also whether he is the right messenger for them. For now, though, Emanuel is one of the few people making this case.

    At the town hall meeting, a questioner asked what he had done right and wrong as mayor, and Emanuel replied that he mishandled his relationship with the teachers union at first, specifically by unilaterally canceling a scheduled pay raise.

    “It created a lot of animosity,” he said, describing his first term as “hand-to-hand combat.” He said he should have tried to work with the union president to find a solution together.

    “You can’t drive reform if people don’t feel part of it,” he said. “That’s like 101, and I screwed it up — Mr. Smarty Pants over here. And I learned a lot.”

  • How Jamie Gauthier charted a new path to power in Philadelphia City Hall

    How Jamie Gauthier charted a new path to power in Philadelphia City Hall

    When Mayor Cherelle L. Parker unveiled her much-anticipated plan to address Philadelphia’s housing crisis last year, there was predictable criticism from the political left. Activists said the proposal drafted by the moderate Democrat would not do enough for the city’s poorest residents.

    Less predictable was that a majority of City Council stood with them.

    Even the Council president, a centrist ally of the mayor, sided with a progressive faction that just two years ago had been soundly defeated in the mayor’s race — but whose new de facto leader in City Hall has proven adept at building alliances across the ideological spectrum.

    At the center of that shift was Jamie Gauthier.

    The second-term Democratic lawmaker from West Philadelphia has solidified herself over the last year as a leading voice on Council and a counterweight to Parker. She has worked within the system as opposed to trying to break it, maintaining relationships with power players who disagree with her on policy.

    She counts Ryan N. Boyer — the labor leader who is Parker’s closest political ally — among those who consider her a “thought leader.”

    “Over the last year, what you saw,” Boyer said, “is her modulate her positions to become more practical.”

    Gauthier has generally voted with progressives, including last year when she opposed the controversial Center City 76ers arena proposal. But she has also endeavored to be a team player, at times compromising on ideological battles to focus on priorities in her district.

    Last year, she voted for Parker’s plan to cut taxes for businesses and corporations when other progressives opposed it, because her main priority was securing housing funding. She has not opposed some tough-on-crime efforts in the Kensington drug market, instead allowing her colleagues who represent that area to dictate the policy there.

    She says she is trying to use her political capital where it matters.

    “Why would I take a protest vote and tank a relationship with a colleague when I’m going to need them later?” she said. “I want to win.”

    Councilmember Jamie Gauthier talks with news media following a special session of City Council on March 24, 2025.

    The fact that Gauthier is a district Council member who represents a large swath of the city west of the Schuylkill also gives her cachet with colleagues. Council has a long tradition of honoring how members want their own neighborhoods to be governed.

    Gauthier, who leads Council’s housing committee, has used the influence to make West Philadelphia something of a testing ground for left-of-center policy. Plenty oppose what they see as draconian restrictions on real estate development in her district.

    Others see a progressive champion, and some political observers think Gauthier could amass enough support to run for mayor one day. She doesn’t deny that she has thought about it.

    But for whatever politics Gauthier can navigate in City Hall, she knows she can rise only if she is successful at home.

    ‘Not just a lone actor’

    When Parker took office, Council was in a moment of upheaval. Council President Kenyatta Johnson was the new leader of the chamber, and several prominent voices were gone after they had resigned to run for mayor themselves.

    One was Helen Gym, who was seen as the leader of Council’s left flank. There were questions about who would fill the void once Gym was gone.

    Gauthier, 47, an urban planner by trade, did not come up through an activist movement in the same way Gym did, and was a bit more reserved in her style.

    But she carries the mantle for the same theory of governance: that lawmakers should prioritize the vulnerable, and that what is good for business is not necessarily good for everyone else.

    That set Gauthier on an ideological collision course with Parker, a former Council member who ran for office on a promise to uplift the middle class, a group the mayor believes has been too often ignored.

    It came to a head in the fight over Parker’s Housing Opportunities Made Easy, or H.O.M.E., initiative.

    Parker wanted to set unusually high income eligibility thresholds for some of the programs so that middle-class families could unlock government subsidies they may not otherwise qualify for. A significant portion of Council, meanwhile, wanted the money to go initially to Philadelphians most vulnerable to displacement.

    Parker was clear-eyed about who was leading the charge.

    “Councilmember Jamie Gauthier, she may be comfortable and OK with telling Philadelphia homeowners, working-class Philadelphians, that they have to wait and there is no sense of urgency for them,” Parker said in a December interview on WHYY. “But that is not a sentiment that I support or agree with.”

    Gauthier is quick to point out that she did not work alone, and that one member of a 17-member body cannot accomplish much. Alongside Councilmember Rue Landau, a fellow Democrat and a housing attorney by trade, Gauthier worked for months to win over her colleagues.

    In the end, Council approved a version of the housing initiative closer to Gauthier’s vision.

    Gauthier didn’t think Parker helped her own cause. A “line was crossed,” she said, when Parker took the fight outside City Hall and to the pulpit. Amid negotiations with Council, the mayor went to 10 churches on one Sunday in December to lobby for support, saying her vision was to not “pit the ‘have-nots’ against those who have just a little bit.”

    Mayor Cherelle L. Parker speaks to the crowd at The Church of Christian Compassion in the Cobbs Creek neighborhood of West Philadelphia on Sunday, Dec. 7, 2025. Parker visited 10 churches in Philadelphia on Sunday to share details about her HOME housing plan.

    To Gauthier, the divisiveness was coming from the mayor’s office.

    “I wish the mayor and her administration were more open to other people’s ideas, were more OK with disagreement on policy issues, and more aware of Council as a completely separate chamber of government,” Gauthier said, “as opposed to a body that works for her.”

    That is a candid assessment of the relationship between Parker and City Council from Gauthier. Few lawmakers from the mayor’s own party have criticized her publicly.

    Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle Parker holds a press conference regarding her first budget flanked by members of city council in her reception room, Philadelphia City Hall on Thursday, June 6, 2024. Council members from left are Kendra Brooks, Jamie Gauthier, council president Kenyatta Johnson, and Quetcy Lozada.

    State Rep. Rick Krajewski, a West Philadelphia Democrat and a progressive who has worked closely with Gauthier, said the fight over H.O.M.E. showed that Gauthier has learned “the diplomacy required to be an effective legislator.”

    “It was a good example of not being afraid of a conflict that felt important to stand up for,” he said, “but then to not just be a lone actor, but organize with other colleagues and allies.”

    Gauthier’s most important ally was Johnson, who negotiated directly with Parker through the process and controls the flow of legislation in the chamber.

    The two go back years. Before Johnson was Council president, he made a point of welcoming new members, a gesture that has always stuck with Gauthier. They worked closely to secure funding for gun violence prevention. And Gauthier said that since Johnson took the gavel, he has been more open to working with progressives than his predecessor was.

    She was also key to Johnson’s ascent. When he was locked in a tight battle for the Council presidency, it was Gauthier who became the ninth Council member to commit to voting for Johnson, allowing him to secure a majority of members and the presidency.

    He does not talk about that publicly. What he will say is that he works in partnership with Gauthier because she understands “the bigger picture in terms of how we move forward as the institution.”

    “I consider her to be a pragmatic idealist,” Johnson said. “She wears her heart on her sleeve, and she really believes in actually doing the work.”

    Creating a testing ground in West Philly

    When Gauthier first ran for office in 2019 against a member of one of Philadelphia’s most entrenched political families, she ran as a good-government urbanist. She railed against councilmanic prerogative, the city’s long tradition of allowing district Council members final say over land-use decisions in their areas.

    She was also supported by real estate interests, some of whom now have buyer’s remorse.

    After Gauthier pulled off a shock win, she arrived in Council and quickly aligned with the progressive bloc. Through her first two terms, she has used councilmanic prerogative often, and has voted with her district Council colleagues so that they can do the same.

    She admits that it is an effective tool for accomplishing her goals quickly.

    Carol Jenkins, a Democratic ward leader in West Philadelphia, said Gauthier’s use of councilmanic prerogative is “part of her maturation.”

    “That’s the power you have,” Jenkins said.

    City Councilmember Jamie Gauthier in her district near 52nd Street and Cedar Avenue in Philadelphia on Monday, Dec. 22, 2025.

    Gauthier has at times used the power in ways that the city’s urbanists and development interests can get behind. She has quickly approved bike lane expansions. And she recently was the only district Council member to allow her entire district to be included in legislation that cuts red tape for restaurants that want to offer outdoor dining.

    However, her most notable use of councilmanic prerogative has been in housing policy, and some developers say her district is now the most hostile to growth in the city.

    In Gauthier’s first term, she championed legislation to create what is known as a Mixed Income Neighborhood overlay. In essence, it requires that developers building projects with 10 or more units in certain parts of her district make at least 20% of their units affordable. That is defined as accessible for rental households earning up to 40% of the area median income.

    For Gauthier, it’s a tool to slow the rapid gentrification of her majority-Black district.

    But developers say that growth has slowed significantly in the areas covered by the overlay since it took effect in 2022. Some have said they avoid seeking to build in the 3rd District entirely. The only major project currently in the works in the area is a parking garage.

    Ryan Spak, an affordable housing developer who said he considers Gauthier a friend, has been among the most outspoken critics of the overlay. He said while Gauthier’s “moral compass is pointed in the right direction, her policies don’t math.”

    “You would never ask a restaurant to give away its ninth and 10th meal for 40 cents on the dollar, with no additional discounts or benefits,” he said, “and expect that restaurant to survive.”

    Councilmember Jamie Gauthier reads out a citation honoring Rapper Mont Brown during a street naming ceremony for the Southwest Philadelphia native at the 13th Annual Stop the Violence Kickback Block Party at 55th Street and Chester Avenue, in Southwest Philadelphia on August 17, 2024.

    Gauthier said she has made adjustments, and she championed legislation to accelerate permitting and zoning approvals. The mandate, she said, is necessary because the market won’t build enough affordable housing on its own.

    “As untenable as it is to them that they can’t make the numbers work, it’s untenable to me that people can’t afford to live here,” Gauthier said. “So we can come together and we can fix that. But I’m not going to move from my position that we have to demand affordability.”

    Mayoral buzz, but no ‘stupid campaigns’

    Gauthier is one of several names that have been floated in political circles as potential candidates for mayor in 2031, which would be Parker’s final year in office if she runs for and wins a second term. Several of her Council colleagues, including Johnson, are seen as potential contenders.

    “I’d be lying if I didn’t say that mayor could be interesting one day,” Gauthier said. “I also don’t believe in stupid campaigns. So I would never do that if I didn’t think I had a path.”

    Boyer said he has counseled Gauthier to pursue moderate policy and avoid being “label-cast” as far left. He said Philadelphia is not Chicago or New York, and he doesn’t see the city electing an uber-progressive to be the mayor any time soon.

    “Philadelphia has always been a real center-left community,” Boyer said, “and just because you’re the loudest isn’t the most popular.”

    The left may have other plans. Robert Saleem Holbrook, a progressive activist, said that Gauthier would be an “ideal candidate” for higher office and that the city’s leftists would back her.

    Probably.

    “So long as she stays true and supportive of progressive ideals,” Holbrook said. “You can’t compromise on your way up.”

  • Gov. Josh Shapiro promised fair elections, condemned ICE at his book tour launch in Philly Saturday afternoon

    Gov. Josh Shapiro promised fair elections, condemned ICE at his book tour launch in Philly Saturday afternoon

    Gov. Josh Shapiro recounted Saturday to a crowd of nearly 500 in Philadelphia how he found himself struggling as a father weeks after his family survived an arson attempt at the governor’s mansion on Passover last year.

    That’s when the proudly Jewish governor went to Salem Baptist Church in his hometown of Abington for counsel and support from Pastor Marshall Mitchell.

    “I could feel the power of their prayers,” Shapiro recalled. “I think that’s helped me be a better, more compassionate governor for all.”

    Mitchell, a longtime Shapiro friend who served on his transition team, joined the governor onstage at the Central Library of the Free Library of Philadelphia to discuss his memoir, Where We Keep The Light, set for release Tuesday.

    The conversation focused on the governor’s spiritual journey and family, but it also offered critiques of both parties and promises to the community.

    “There’s a lot more that unites us,” Shapiro said during the hour-long conversation. “There’s a lot more common bonds that we have. And we have to find our way back to that.”

    Shapiro opined that the city’s Quaker founder, William Penn, “would have never imagined a Jewish governor and a Black preacher sitting up here, but I bet he’d be proud of that.”

    The Philadelphia event kicked off a flurry of promotional events as Shapiro plans to travel to New York, Boston, and Washington in the coming week. A CBS interview focused on the book is also slated to air Sunday.

    The release of the memoir comes as Shapiro is seeking a second term as governor, but it has fueled speculation about his potential presidential ambitions in 2028.

    “I think people want authenticity from our leadership, and I think he’s providing it,” said State Rep. Sharif Street, a Philadelphia Democrat running for Congress, who attended the event. “I think Josh Shapiro would make an excellent president.”

    The book, which has been shared with The Inquirer and other outlets, includes details on what Shapiro called an “offensive” vetting process to be Kamala Harris’ running mate when she took over the Democratic presidential ticket for President Joe Biden in 2024. Shapiro said he was being unfairly scrutinized as the only Jewish person in the running for the vice presidency.

    Harris did not come up during the conversation with Mitchell.

    Diana Robinson, of East Kensington, Codirector with Make the Road Pennsylvania, chants with fellow protestors outside the Free Library at Governor Josh Shapiro’s new book “Where We Keep The Light” author event in Philadelphia, Pa., on Saturday, Jan. 24, 2026.

    Shapiro weighs in on ICE’s crackdown as protesters gather outside

    Shapiro answered several submitted questions after the discussion. He said that he expects President Donald Trump to attempt to disrupt the 2026 election, as he did in 2020.

    “We are on it. We are prepared. We will do everything in our power to protect your vote.”

    Shapiro also said that his team was prepared to handle a Minneapolis-style Immigration and Customs Enforcement action in Pennsylvania.

    “What we are seeing in Minnesota is absolutely unacceptable,” Shapiro told the crowd. “What we are seeing is lawlessness by these federal agents.”

    The conversation took place just hours after a U.S. Border Patrol agent shot and killed a man in Minneapolis, which Shapiro decried as an atrocity.

    Outside the book event, roughly 100 protesters gathered in the bitter cold to demand that Shapiro “stop working with ICE.”

    Pennsylvania has no sanctuary policy limiting cooperation with ICE — though Philadelphia and several other jurisdictions in the state do.

    Immigration advocates contend Shapiro is collaborating by allowing ICE access to state databases that they said provide the agency with facial recognition and personal information that can put immigrants in Pennsylvania at risk.

    “As the governor, he has an opportunity to step up and lead with conviction, especially at a moment when people are dying in ICE custody,” said Jasmine Rivera, executive director of the Pennsylvania Immigration Coalition. “Instead, he is arming ICE with the information they need to attack his own people.”

    Will Simons, a spokesperson for the governor, said in a statement after the rally that outside agencies “do not have unfettered access to state databases,” but rather Pennsylvania State Police share information when it’s necessary for an investigation.

    “There are legitimate investigations that involve foreign nationals who have committed crimes in PA or elsewhere that would require immigration enforcement agencies to seek access to information contained in Commonwealth-run databases,” Simons said.

    Democrats are likely to be grappling with how best to respond to Trump’s immigration crackdown and other policies as they head into this year’s midterms and the next presidential cycle.

    But Shapiro warned the party risks alienating voters with too much of a focus on Trump.

    “I think we can’t be a party that is defined by being negative on Donald Trump all the time,” Shapiro said.

    This story was updated to include Shapiro’s spokesperson’s statement on state databases.

  • U.S. carries out first known strike on alleged drug boat since Maduro’s capture

    U.S. carries out first known strike on alleged drug boat since Maduro’s capture

    WASHINGTON — The U.S. military said Friday that it has carried out a deadly strike on a vessel accused of trafficking drugs in the eastern Pacific Ocean, the first known attack since the raid that captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro earlier this month.

    U.S. Southern Command said on social media that the boat was “engaged in narco-trafficking operations” and that the strike killed two people and left one survivor. It said it notified the Coast Guard to launch search and rescue operations for that person.

    A video accompanying the post announcing the latest strike shows a boat moving through the water before exploding in flames. The U.S. military has focused lately on seizing sanctioned oil tankers with connections to Venezuela since the Trump administration launched an audacious raid to capture Maduro and bring him to New York to face drug trafficking charges.

    With the latest military action, there have been 36 known strikes against alleged drug smuggling boats in South American waters since early September that killed at least 117 people, according to announcements from the U.S. military and Trump. The majority of those of strikes have occurred in the Caribbean Sea.

    The last reported boat strikes occurred in late December, when the military said it struck five alleged drug-smuggling boats over two days, killing a total of eight people while others jumped overboard. Days later, the Coast Guard suspended its search.

    The U.S. conducted a large-scale operation in Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, on Jan. 3 that led to the capture of Maduro and his wife, who were then flown to New York to face federal drug trafficking charges.

    Maduro, before his capture, said the U.S. military operations were a thinly veiled effort to oust him from power.

    President Donald Trump has repeatedly said that the U.S. strikes targeting alleged smugglers are having an enormous impact on slowing drug trafficking routes in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific.

    “We’ve stopped — virtually stopped almost 100% of all drugs coming in by water,” Trump said in remarks on Thursday at the World Economic Forum at Davos.