Betty Reid Soskin, who served as the nation’s oldest park ranger and relayed firsthand accounts of segregation as a Black woman on the World War II home front, died Sunday at her home in Richmond, Calif. She was 104.
Her death was confirmed by her son Bob Reid, who did not know the exact cause but said she had been in declining health.
“She led a fully packed life and was ready to leave,” her family said in a statement on social media.
Ms. Soskin, who joined the National Park Service at 85 and retired when she turned 100, used her role as the nation’s oldest park ranger to share the untold stories of Black women, including herself, who served on the home front during World War II.
At that time, she worked as a file clerk at Boilermakers Local Auxiliary 36, a segregated union for Black workers. According to the union, Ms. Soskin worked at the sprawling Kaiser Shipyards, where thousands of women helped construct some 700 Liberty and Victory ships.
While many were familiar with tales of the women who worked in factories as men went off to fight — known as “Rosie the Riveters” — a key detail was often omitted from those histories.
“That was always a white women’s story,” Ms. Soskin said in an interview with the Washington Post in 2015. For most of the war, she said, Black women were not permitted to be “Rosies” until 1944, when some began to be trained as welders.
In 2016, the union apologized to Ms. Soskin for the way she and other Black workers were relegated by the union to an auxiliary segregated lodge during the war. “On behalf of my organization, I offer Betty and all former Boilermakers who at one time belonged to an auxiliary local, an apology for what must have been a demeaning life experience,” said union leader IP Jones.
“I’m not trained as a historian. My presentations are based on my oral history,” Ms. Soskin said. “A bottomless well of memories come up depending on questions the public asks. [The memories] are always on tap for me,” she added.
The ranger spent her days sharing her experiences with visitors to the Rosie the Riveter WWII Home Front National Historical Park in Richmond. “Black women were not freed or emancipated in the workforce,” she told the Post. “Unions were not racially integrated and wouldn’t be for a decade. They created auxiliaries that all Blacks were dumped into. We paid dues, but didn’t have power or votes.”
Ms. Soskin was born Betty Charbonnet in Detroit on Sept. 22, 1921, and grew up in a Cajun-Creole, African American family in New Orleans. In 1927, after a devastating flood hit the city, her family relocated to Oakland, Calif., according to a Park Service biography.
In 1945, Ms. Soskin and her husband at the time, Mel Reid, opened one of the country’s first Black-owned music stores, Reid’s Records, which operated until 2019. In 1972, Ms. Soskin and Reid divorced, and four years later, she married William Soskin, to whom she remained married until his death in 1988.
According to her former employer, she later went into local and state politics, working as an aide to a Berkeley City Council member and for State Assembly members.
Ms. Soskin was working in Richmond as a field representative for a California assemblyman when she met with Park Service planners to discuss the development of an urban park paying tribute to World War II home front workers. In 2003, she left her state job to become a consultant to the Rosie the Riveter WWII Home Front National Historical Park and four years later, at the age of 85, became a park ranger.
In a statement on social media, the park paid tribute to Ms. Soskin’s time as a ranger: “She was a powerful voice for sharing her personal experiences, highlighting untold stories, and honoring the contributions of women from diverse backgrounds who worked on the World War II Home Front.”
In addition to her son, Bob, survivors include two daughters, Diara and Dorian; five grandchildren; and a great-grandchild.
Sen. Ted Cruz sat down with a longtime ally in November at an office near D.C.’s Union Station to discuss the future of the Republican Party. Before long, the discussion touched on his own future.
His friend Morton Klein, president of the Zionist Organization for America, told Cruz he believed that “Jew hatred and Israel bashing” was on the rise on the right — and that something had to be done about it. Cruz, who had begun a series of speeches decrying antisemitism in the GOP, told Klein he had been fielding requests from people urging him to run for president in 2028.
Cruz came across as someone “seriously” considering such a run, Klein recalled.
With the future of the party up for grabs in a Donald Trump-less 2028 primary, Cruz has in recent months positioned himself as a loud voice for a more traditional, hawkish Republican foreign policy. He’s also urging the GOP to rid itself of popular MAGA pundit Tucker Carlson, whom he argues is injecting the “poison” of antisemitism into the movement with his broadsides against Israel. Carlson has rejected that characterization.
As he feuds with Carlson, Cruz is weighing a second presidential bid, according to a person close to the senator and another briefed on his thinking, who spoke like others on the condition of anonymity to disclose internal conversations. A White House run would be politically risky for Cruz, 55, putting him on course to collide with Vice President JD Vance, who many Republicans expect to enter the 2028 race.
Friction is already evident behind the scenes: Cruz has criticized Vance, a close ally of Carlson, to Republican donors, according to two people familiar with the comments. The senator has warned that Vance’s foreign policy views are dangerously isolationist, the people said.(Vance has been one of the GOP’s most prominent skeptics of U.S. intervention abroad.)
The emerging rivalry shows how much the party has changed under Trump’s leadership since Cruz arrived in the Senate in 2013. After rising to prominence as a rebel against the establishment, Cruz is now a vocal champion of some longtime orthodox GOP positions, as a new generation of conservatives is ascending with a different vision.
Some political observers are skeptical that another Cruz run would gain much traction. He can no longer run as an outsider and alienated some conservatives with his fight against Trump in the 2016 campaign. Still, Cruz has built name recognition and relationships with plenty of activists and donors across the country in recent years, and it’s far from clear what will animate the base in the next GOP primary.
“Can Ted help craft or meld together the traditional Republican approach with the new reality of what the Republican Party is now?” asked Daron Shaw, a political science professor at the University of Texas who overlapped with Cruz as a staffer on George W. Bush’s presidentialcampaign. “It’s a heavy lift.”
The day after his chat with Klein, Cruz called Carlson “a coward” during a speech before a group supporting Jewish conservatives in Las Vegas, again denouncing the “poisonous lies” of antisemitism. He said they were “blessed” to have Trump, who “loves the Jewish people,” in the White House right now.
“When Trump is not in the White House, what then?” he asked in his booming voice.
“Ted Cruz!” an audience member shouted.
The senator just smiled, then continued his speech.
Sen. Ted Cruz (Texas) wears Senate-themed boots in May at the Capitol.
‘All of us hate Ted Cruz’
Anyone considering a run for the GOP nomination in 2028 faces a big obstacle: Vance.
The 41-year-old vice president leads early polls and is seen as a loyal lieutenant to Trump, who maintains high support from the party base even as the president’s approval ratings have plummeted.
But Trump has been noncommittal about endorsing his running mate as heir to his Make America Great Again movement, leaving an opening for an ambitious conservative with a different vision for the party.
“The Republicans will be fighting for their identity,” Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Georgia) said of the 2028 primary. Greene, a close ally of Carlson who represents the populist and isolationist wing of the party, added: “There’ll be Ted Cruz, I’m sure, running against JD Vance. All of us hate Ted Cruz.”
Cruz has adapted to changes in his party over several decades in politics. Following a stretch in the establishment during Bush’s 2000 campaign, he became solicitor general of Texas in 2003 and launched a Senate campaign in 2011 as a tea-party-infused change agent, defeating the lieutenant governor in the GOP primary.
“The best thing to happen to the Republican Party was to get its teeth kicked in in 2008,” Cruz said during a 2012 campaign event with the libertarian Ron Paul.
When he arrived in Washington, Cruz picked fights over spending and President Barack Obama’s health care law, sparking a government shutdown in 2013. Not everyone in his party liked his style. “If you killed Ted Cruz on the floor of the Senate, and the trial was in the Senate, nobody could convict you,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina) joked at a 2016 press dinner.
Cruz brought his insurgent pitch into the 2016 presidential race, but Trump caught fire with an antiestablishment campaign that dramatically eclipsed the senator’s. After bowing out of the GOP race as the last major Trump opponent standing, Cruz told delegates at the Republican National Convention that year to “vote your conscience,” instead of throwing his support behind Trump, who had branded him as “Lyin’ Ted.” He returned to the Senate, where he is now chair of the Commerce Committee and has refashioned himself into a bipartisan dealmaker on aviation safety and other issues.
The Texas senator, who has called himself a “noninterventionist hawk” and has long been a vocal ally of Israel, argues that an anti-Israel foreign policy could embolden terrorists. And he is a defender of the benefits of traditional capitalism at a time when some in the “New Right” are calling for a more populist turn.
“Those who are anti-Israel quickly become anti-capitalist and anti-American,” Cruz said in a brief interview about his decision to speak out against Carlson. “Tucker’s obsession is unhealthy and dangerous.”
By targeting Carlson and growing anti-Israel sentiment within the party, Cruz has hit upon a division within the GOP base that some believe could animate the 2028 primaries. Carlson is closely allied with Vance, a onetime Trump critic who is now an “America First” populist, embracing skepticism of some big-business interests and rejecting the U.S. foreign policy status quo.
Cruz is staking out positions against isolationism and antisemitism at a time when explicitly antisemitic figures such as white supremacist commentator Nick Fuentes are gaining an audience on the right.
Vance, by contrast,has rejected the suggestion that the right has a problem with antisemitism afterCarlson hosted Fuentes for a friendly interview. (The vice president disavowed Fuentes months before the interview and has not explicitly weighed in on Carlson hosting him.)
It’s “kind of slanderous to say that the Republican Party, the conservative movement, is extremely antisemitic,”Vancesaid in a recent interview with NBC News. In a social media postlast week, Vance criticized a news article claiming antisemitism was rising among young people.
“I would say there’s a difference between not liking Israel (or disagreeing with a given Israeli policy) and antisemitism,” he replied to one user.
Asked to respond to Vance’s comment, Cruz said he is not in agreement with “people who are anti-Israel or people who are antisemitic.”
“Every Hamas or Hezbollah or IRGC terrorist that Israel took out makes Americans safer,” Cruzsaid, referencing militants in Gaza, Lebanon and Iran that the United States designates as terrorist groups. “And those who don’t see that are not acting in accordance with American national security interests.”
The feud
In early July, Cruz sat down in Washington with Israel’s prime minister and delivered a dire warning. Over cigars at Blair House, Cruz told Benjamin Netanyahu that antisemitism on the right was rising to a level he had never seen before.
“No, Ted,” Netanyahu responded, according to Cruz, who recounted the conversation in a speech. “That’s Qatar, that’s Iran, that’s astroturf, that’s paid for.”
But Cruz said he was not placated. Replies to his social media posts were flooded with anti-Jewish bigotry from what looked to him like ordinary, real people. He began to fear that what he saw as antisemitism on the left was beginning to infect the right, he said.
In June, Cruz sat for an interview with Carlson that grew heated over the topic of Israel. Cruz suggested that Carlson criticizes Israel more than other countries because of bigotry toward Jews. Carlson said he has many Jewish friends who have the same questions as him and grilled Cruz with factual questions on the Middle East. In an uncharacteristic lapse, Cruz failed to identify the population of Iran. “You don’t know the population of the country you seek to topple?” Carlson asked.
Since then, the two have savaged each other in increasingly personal terms. Carlson has called Cruz “vulgar and dumb and reckless” for connecting U.S. military support for Israel to a biblical responsibility to defend the Holy Land and God’s chosen people. After Carlson hosted Fuentes on his podcast this fall, Cruz called on Republicans to repudiate the pundit.
Carlson “decided Jews are the source of all evil in the world,” Cruz said in a recent podcast. The senator also posted a digitally altered sexually suggestive photo of Carlson to critique his friendly stance toward Qatar, a U.S. ally with which Israel has clashed.
Since the killing of conservative influencer Charlie Kirk, internal battles about the future of the GOP have spilled into the open, many centering on the true meaning of “America First” as Trump spends time and political capital on Ukraine, Israel and Venezuela. Carlson criticized Trump’s decision to strike Iran’s nuclear sites in June and has warned the president against pursuing regime change in Venezuela, a goal Cruz shares.
“What Ted is trying to do is say, this is where our voters are,” said one person close to the senator. “Trump and Ted are much more aligned on foreign policy than Trump and Tucker are.”
Few Republicans have publicly rallied to Cruz’s side.
“I can tell you, my colleagues, almost to a person, think what is happening is horrifying,” Cruz said in one speech on Carlson. “But a great many of them are frightened because he has one hell of a big megaphone.”
Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Texas) said he “applauds” Cruz for speaking out against Carlson. But others declined to weigh in.
Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Alabama), a close Trump ally, said he believes the back-and-forth is personal. “Sometimes when you get embarrassed, you get mad, get your feelings hurt,” he said.
Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Connecticut) said he is surprised but happy that Cruz has the “courage” to challenge such a powerful figure on the right. “To give Senator Cruz due credit, it requires some guts and gumption to stand up against Tucker Carlson,” he said.
As Carlson and Cruz have attacked each other, Trump has declined to take sides, calling Carlson a “nice guy” and Cruz a “good friend” in recent months.
Carlson has said he thinks “antisemitism is immoral, and I am against it.” He argues the feud is just politics. “All [Cruz] wants is to be president. That’s all he’s ever wanted,” Carlson said in an interview. “As a political matter, he somehow thinks that calling me a Nazi is going to get him the nomination because it’s going to hurt JD Vance.” (Cruz has not publicly used that word to described Carlson.)
Rep. Ryan Zinke (R-Montana), who argued that Cruz damaged his credibility with conservatives after spurning Trump in 2016 but later recovered his standing, said Cruz “always has an eye on running.”
“Ted stakes out his position pretty well, and so were he to run, we know where he is,” Zinke said.
So far, there are few signs that Cruz is gaining an advantage. Hal Lambert, a major GOP donor who helped organize a super PAC to support Cruz when he ran for president in 2016, said he thinks a 2028 bid would be tricky for the senator.
“If JD Vance is running, I’m going to be supporting JD Vance,” Lambert said.
“I just don’t understand what the platform would be,” he said of Cruz’s potential run. “The platform would be, I’m Ted, and that’s JD?”
Kadia Goba and Sarah Ellison contributed to this report.
The United States Coast Guard is pursuing a tanker off the coast of Venezuela, a U.S. official said Sunday, in what would mark the third interception of a tanker in the waters off that country this month.
The official described that tanker as “a sanctioned dark fleet vessel that is part of Venezuela’s illegal sanctions evasion. It is flying a false flag and under a judicial seizure order.” The official shared the statement on the condition of anonymity under ground rules set by the administration.
President Donald Trump on Tuesday ordered a “total and complete blockade” on all oil tankers under sanctions entering or leaving Venezuela. He called the Venezuelan regime a foreign terrorist organization and said it was using oil to finance “drug terrorism.”
If intercepted, this would be the second tanker the U.S. stopped this weekend after seizing the oil tanker Skipper off Venezuela’s coast on Dec. 10. The U.S. attorney’s office for the District of Columbia issued the seizure warrant for the Skipper, alleging it was used in an “oil shipping network” supporting the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah and Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force.
Venezuela’s government has called the actions “theft” and “hijacking.”
Early Saturday, U.S. forces boarded a different commercial vessel, the Panamanian-flagged Centuries owned by Centuries Shipping in Hong Kong, off Venezuela. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi L. Noem posted a video on X showing service members rappelling down from military helicopters onto the vessel, which her department said was suspected of carrying oil subject to U.S. sanctions.
The U.S. has not imposed sanctions on Venezuelan oil. And neither the Centuries nor its company is under any sanctions, according to the International Maritime Organization, a U.N. agency.
These actions come as part of the United States’ monthslong pressure campaign against the government of President Nicolás Maduro, whom the administration wants to force from office. The tanker blockade could impact Venezuela’s already struggling economy, which heavily depends on overseas oil sales.
The U.S. has launched more than two dozen military strikes on boats it claimed had crews who were smuggling drugs into the United States. Officials have said that more than 100 people connected to drug cartels have been killed.
Sen. Rand Paul (R., Ky.) said on ABC’s This Week that he considers the seizing of the second oil tanker a “provocation” and “prelude to war.”
“Look, at any point in time, there are 20, 30 governments around the world that we don’t like, that are either socialist or communist, or have human rights violations … but it isn’t the job of the American soldier to be the policeman of the world,” Paul said.
By contrast, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R., S.C.) said on Meet the Press on Sunday, “I am all in the camp for regime change. … Maduro’s days are numbered.”
Jim Foggo, a retired U.S. Navy admiral, said the administration’s plan for Venezuela appears to constitute a “targeted blockade” or “embargo” operation, in which certain ships are stopped and others are allowed through.
“If you want to pick something to go after — an Achilles’ heel — of the Venezuelan regime, it’s oil exports,” Foggo said.
Venezuela has the world’s largest proven oil reserves. Output has plummeted amid sanctions, poor infrastructure, and mismanagement, but oil still represents the vast majority of the country’s exports. “So this is really going to hurt, and Maduro is going to have to do some serious thinking,” Foggo said.
Foggo, dean of the Center for Maritime Strategy outside Washington, said boarding operations can be unpredictable and dangerous for U.S. troops involved, citing a boarding operation in the Arabian Sea in January 2024 in which two Navy SEALs drowned.
“This is serious business,” Foggo said, noting that Maduro has said that Venezuelan naval forces will accompany vessels. “The danger is that it could go kinetic and someone could get hurt, but we seem to be willing to take that risk.”
The day after President Donald Trump declared he had ended 94% of all seaborne drug trafficking to the United States and reduced illegal migrant border crossings to “zero,” he announced an entirely new rationale for his escalating campaign against Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.
Venezuela had stolen “Oil, Land and other Assets” from the United States to finance those criminal activities, Trump said Tuesday in a social media post, an apparent reference to decades-oldexpropriations and the breaking of contracts with U.S. oil companies when Caracas began nationalizing the industry.
Unless what he alleged was U.S. property was returned “IMMEDIATELY,” Trump said, the military juggernaut he has assembled in the Caribbean to blow up alleged traffickers and seize tankers transporting Venezuelan oil “will only get bigger, and the shock to them will be like nothing they have ever seen before.”
As Trump continues the boat strikes — now numbering 28, with at least 104 killed — and with the declaration ofa “blockade” of all sanctioned vessels transporting Venezuelan oil, he has all but abandoned the public pretense that his goal is simply stopping migrants and drugs, rather than Maduro’s removal.
His “days are numbered,” Trump told Politico in an interview published Dec. 9. Asked Thursday whether he was leaving open the possibility of war with Venezuela, Trump told NBC: “I don’t rule it out, no.”
Maduro is the “indicted head of a cartel, now designated as a foreign terrorist organization,” said a person familiar with administration thinking, one of several individuals and former U.S. officials who spoke on the condition of anonymity to talk about internal deliberations. The administration named Maduro, already facing a 2020 U.S. indictment for drug trafficking, as the head of the designated Cartel de los Soles, a network of senior Venezuelan political and security officials it says is involved in human and drug trafficking to finance terrorist attacks in the United States.
“At the end of the day, that person is either going to stand trial or be given a chance to negotiate exile … in a third country,” the person said of the Venezuelan leader.
But with Maduro still sitting tight, Trump’s options seem to be narrowing rapidly.
In an emailed response to questions, White House deputy spokesperson Anna Kelly said, “Nothing is ‘narrowing.’” Trump, she said, “has already taken decisive action to stop the illegal migrant invasion, deport violent criminals, and defend our homeland against evil narcoterrorists — which is saving countless lives across the country. President Trump retains all options to keep Americans safe.”
Airstrikes on land, which U.S. officials have said would probably target isolated encampments associated with cocaine trafficking or selected military assets and installations, are “going to start” happening, Trump said last week.
If that doesn’t work in persuading Maduro to flee, regional experts and former officials say, there are only two U.S. choices left — withdrawal or regime change by force.
The prospect of invasion and a military ground operation with the possibility of American deaths, however, may be unpalatable to a president who has vowed “no more wars” and has thus far limited overseas military involvement to standoff strikes by air and sea.
“It’s conceivable to me that in a month, two months, the president … declares victory on grounds that maritime drug trafficking is way down,” Elliot Abrams, Trump’s first-term special envoy on Venezuela, said Tuesday on the School of War podcast. But “if Maduro survives and Trump walks away, it’s a defeat.”
While some in Congress have sharply opposed ongoing U.S. military action in the Caribbean and eastern Pacificwithout legislative approval, let alone a ground invasion of Venezuela, others have called on Trump to move more decisively.
“You cannot allow this man to remain standing after this show of force,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R., S.C.) said of Trump’s Caribbean deployment of 15,000 troops and dozens of warships and aircraft. Graham, a retired Air Force legal officer, spoke after a closed briefing Tuesday for Senators by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Secretary of State Marco Rubio on a controversial Sept. 2 airstrike that killed 11 people aboard an alleged trafficking boat — including two who initially survived and were hit again while flailing amid the wreckage.
“Is the goal to take him out?” Graham asked about Maduro, saying he hadn’t received answers from the administration. “If it’s not the goal … I think it’s a mistake.”
But as lawmakers continue to argue and the administration ups the ante, “the most interesting question is why is [Trump] doing all this at all,” Abrams said in an interview with the Washington Post.
Trump’s fixation on Venezuela melds a number of his own domestic political aims and the priorities of senior officials around him. The administration’s new National Security Strategy, which shifts U.S. focus to the Western Hemisphere, promises to reward countries that comply with “America First” policies and punish those that do not.
For Rubio — the son of Cuban immigrants who fled the island several years before the 1959 takeover by Fidel Castro and whomade his political career in the anti-Castro cauldron of South Florida — the collapse of Cuba’s communist government has long been a prime goal.
Cuba’s economy has been propped up byVenezuela under Maduro and his predecessor, Hugo Chávez, through a steady supply of oil despite heavy U.S. sanctions. In addition to economic ties and ideological affinity, Maduro’s personal safety is said to be provided by elite Cuban security forces. Many think that the end of Venezuelan aid would be a death knell for the government in Havana.
“Rubio is the driving force behind the military buildup in Venezuela policy in the last several months, but he has not convinced the president yet to use military force,” said a second former official. Others, however, say it is Trump who wants to escalate.
For White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, the architect of Trump’s draconian anti-immigrant policy, the hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans who fled to the United States, during Trump’s first term and the Biden administration, provide an easy target. Miller has echoed Trump’s charges that most of the Venezuelans in the U.S. were sent by Maduro from prisons and mental institutions to terrorize and kill Americans.
Those sentiments contrast with Trump’s first term, when the flow of what eventually would be millions of fleeing Venezuelans spread across the hemisphere was viewed more sympathetically. Then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who traveled to the Venezuela-Colombia border to greet them in the spring of 2019, said they were escaping what he called the political and economic “horror” of Maduro’s corrupt and failing socialist economy and demanded they be allowed to leave.
At the time, Trump alsosaid that “all options” were on the table to oust Maduro, charging that in addition to abusing his own people, he had stolen the 2018 election that gave him a second term in office and had formed U.S.-threatening alliances with Russia, China, and Iran. Trump stepped up sanctions, sent U.S. warships to the Caribbean — although fewer than the current armada — and recognized legislative assembly leader Juan Guaidó as Venezuela’s legitimate president.
With Guaidó as his guest, Trump told Congress during his 2020 State of the Union address that Maduro was “a socialist dictator” and a “tyrant who brutalizes his people.” The amount of deadly fentanyl entering the country, primarily from China and Mexico, had begun to soar even before Trump took office, reaching its peak as the COVID pandemic waned and beginning an ongoing decline, along with overdose deaths, in 2024, according to U.S. government figures.
During first-term debates in the TrumpWhite House over what to do about Maduro, some advocated the use of military force to oust him, according to subsequent books by then-Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper, who opposed it, and national security adviser John Bolton, who supported it.
With his time in office winding down and Gen. Mark A. Milley, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and CIA Director Gina Haspel also advising against the use of force, according to Esper and others, Trump backed off.
The number of arriving Venezuelans, many crossing the border illegally, increased sharply under the Biden administration. Many were allowed to stay legally under a temporary protected status that recognized the economic and political hardships Trump himself had said were the reason for their flight.
Maduro, who reneged on agreements with the Biden administration to allow a fair election in 2024, was inaugurated for his third term in January, only 10 days before Trump was sworn in again. By then, Guaidó had long since faded from memory. A new opposition figure, María Corina Machado, came to the fore and — though barred by Maduro from running against him — led her party to a landslide win that was widely acknowledged to have been stolen.
Trump lost little time moving on his campaign promise to expel migrants and end opioid deaths, touting crime statistics he wildly inflated and blamed on Biden. In one of his first second-term acts, he ordered the end of protected status for Venezuelans and other migrants, and began widespread deportations. Trump charged that Maduro controlled a Venezuelan gang, Tren de Aragua, and had sent it to the United States to wreak criminal havoc, allegations that were not supported by U.S. intelligence assessments.
Tren de Aragua and Cartel de los Soles are among roughlytwo dozen foreign organizations that the administration has designated, under a February Trump executive order, as “narcoterrorists.”
By summer, despite some early attempts at negotiations with Maduro that included an offer to expand U.S. oil operations in Venezuela, Trump had opted for a military path. ThoughVenezuela is not a source of fentanyl and is a trafficker but not a producer of cocaine, according to U.S. law enforcement, pressure against Maduro was seen as a visible reminder to drug-producing countries such as Mexico and Colombia of the consequences of noncooperation.
Miller, current and former U.S. officials said, had first proposed striking Mexican cartels and traffickers as a way to stop drugs and migrants. But as the administration surged thousands of U.S. troops to the southern border and increased intelligence cooperation, Mexico began to curb cartel action. Miller and his team were left looking for another target.
The administration sent warships to the Caribbean, and on Sept. 2, Special Operations forces struck an alleged drug-smuggling boat carrying 11 men with missiles. It had come from Venezuela, Trump said without providing evidence, and was carrying “bags” of fentanyl and cocaine for Tren de Aragua. The United States, he told Congress that month, was in an “armed conflict” with terrorists.
On Dec. 10, U.S. forces in the Caribbean seized an oil tanker, the Skipper, that had just filled up in Venezuela and was headed to Asia. The ship, already under U.S. sanctions for carrying illegal Iranian oil, was to be hauled to a Texas port. Asked by reporters what would happen to the oil, Trump said, “Well, we keep it, I guess.”
On Saturday, the Department of Homeland Security said a second vessel carrying Venezuelan oil in the Caribbean had been “seized” in a joint operation by the Coast Guard and Defense Department. That ship, the Centuries, was not under U.S. sanctions and it was unclear whether it had merely been boarded by U.S. forces or taken under their control.
MARIENBERG, Germany — In a workshop tucked into the rolling hills of eastern Germany’s Ore Mountains, rows of wooden soldiers stood at attention. Their red coats gleamed and their square-jawed mouths — designed to crack nuts but mostly decorative — formed the trademark stiff grin of Steinbach Nutcrackers.
For decades, these handmade figures have sailed across the Atlantic and into American homes, filling mantels and collectors’ shelves and appearing in countless Christmas card photos. Alongside gingerbread houses and fir trees with all the trimmings, they are one of the most recognizable German exports of the holiday season.
This year, however, tariffs imposed by President Donald Trump have given the stern-faced ornaments a new reason to grimace: About 95% of sales by the family-founded manufacturer, Steinbach Volkskunst, come from the United States, and the company’s most reliable market has become its biggest bureaucratic headache.
Under a deal between Trump and the European Union reached earlier this year, most exports to the U.S. are subject to a 15% tariff. Separately, the Trump administration also ended the “de minimis” exemption — a rule that had allowed small parcels under $800 to enter duty-free.
The move was aimed at curbing low-cost imports from Chinese e-commerce giants such as Temu and Shein. But for niche businesses that rely on direct-to-consumer shipments, like Steinbach, that change hit even harder than 15% tariff.
“The biggest concern wasn’t price — it was instability,” CEO Rico Paul said, standing in front of a glass cabinet filled with colorful nutcrackers. “Policies changed depending on political mood. For us, planning ahead is essential. One day, the rules were one way, the next day they changed.”
For six months after Trump’s inauguration, confusion reigned. Initially, the president threatened tariffs of 30% or more on most goods, prompting the E.U. to ready plans for retaliation. The deal on 15% tariffs, reached in late July, ended that uncertainty.
But in late August, Trump issued an executive order ending the de minimis exemption, meaning a slew of new paperwork and bureaucracy.
Costs rose and delays mounted as Customs and Border Protection grappled to keep up with the surge in new parcels requiring clearance. With the holiday season approaching, Steinbach faced the possibility of its nutcrackers getting stuck in customs warehouses.
More than half of Steinbach’s business comes from online orders shipped directly to American doorsteps, and customers soon felt the increase. Prices are up roughly 25% compared to last year, because of the tariffs and customs costs, as well as rising wages.
“In the United States, our name is extremely well known,” Paul said. “We’re practically synonymous with the word nutcracker.” The outsize U.S. demand for Steinbach products, he added, “was always an advantage — until the tariff dispute.”
American affection for Steinbach’s products seems undiminished by the price increases. “We were worried Americans wouldn’t pay more,” Paul said, pulling up a fresh order from Monticello, Fla., on his phone. “But the loyalty is incredible. They’re still buying, even if it’s more expensive.”
That loyalty stretches back to the 1950s, when U.S. service members stationed in postwar Germany discovered the nutcrackers and brought them home as souvenirs. They quickly became a cultural shorthand for an authentic European Christmas.
The nutcracker legacy itself is older. In Saxony’s Ore Mountain region, miners began carving these wooden figures in the 1600s, meant to bring protection and keep evil spirits at bay during the darkest months of winter.
French author Alexandre Dumas’ adaptation of E.T.A. Hoffmann’s 1816 story “The Nutcracker and the Mouse King” later inspired Tchaikovsky’s 1892 ballet The Nutcracker. The ballet, initially a flop in Russia, became an American holiday institution in the mid-20th century — catapulting the nutcracker to global fame as a Christmas icon.
On a late November morning at the Steinbach factory, about 40 artisans carved, sanded, and painted wooden limbs, while sewing machines upstairs stitched miniature outfits. Outside, snow settled on fir branches as workers packaged the finished products for their long journey.
One detail is new: a bright yellow sticker on every box, addressed to the person who will decide if the toy enters the United States smoothly: “Dear U.S. Customs Officer,” it says, “Thank you for keeping the trade flowing.”
It may be wishful thinking. In October, U.S. news outlets reported that thousands of packages had stalled in customs hubs under the new rules. Some carriers reportedly disposed of abandoned shipments.
“Because of changes to U.S. import regulations, we are seeing many packages that are unable to clear customs due to missing or incomplete information,” UPS, the shipping company, said in a statement. “Our goal is to speed every package to its destination, while complying with federal customs regulations.”
In late November, UPS said that its brokerage team was clearing more than 90% of packages on the first day — but not without complications.
Still, Steinbach nutcrackers continue to sell well, particularly those with pop culture and political themes.
Last year, Steinbach introduced a pair of nutcrackers dubbed “Republican” and “Democrat,” bearing more than a passing resemblance to Trump and Kamala Harris. The Republican model sold out before Election Day.
Prices for the smallest nutcrackers start at about $150, while the largest and most intricate figures cost more than $700. Alongside traditional soldiers and Santas, Steinbach has embraced the American appetite for nutcrackers in all forms, including Star Wars stormtroopers, Wizard of Oz characters, and even Pope Leo XIV.
But the tariffs and customs delays have prompted Steinbach to seek a work-around. “We are building a warehouse in Pennsylvania and hiring staff,” Paul said.
The nutcrackers will still be made in Germany — local craftsmanship remains a central selling point — but preshipping and storing finished goods in the United States stands to insulate the business from further regulatory whiplash. The tariffs and additional costs of maintaining and staffing the warehouse will be passed on to customers, but the move should eliminate paperwork and delays for shipments to individual buyers.
Steinbach is not alone. Across Germany, exporters large and small are recalculating.
“The escalation of U.S. import duties — now effectively averaging 15% on key industrial goods — has hit Germany particularly hard,” said Andreas Baur, foreign trade expert at the Munich-based Institute for Economic Research. “If you take January to September and compare it to the previous year, we have a decline [in exports] of about 8%, and for cars around 14%.”
But beyond automakers, chemical giants, and heavy industrial goods, the regulatory shift has quietly reshaped the fate of artisans whose exports trade more in memories than volume.
On the outskirts of Dresden, a 90-minute drive northeast of the nutcracker workshop, the sweet smell of raisins and butter filled Bäckerei Gnauck in the district of Ottendorf-Okrilla.
Bäckerei Gnauck is one of about 100 bakeries permitted to bake true Dresdner Christstollen — a dense fruitcake that is tightly regulated by the Dresden Stollen Protection Association.
Here too, the lifting of the de minimis rule has left fifth-generation baker Marlon Gnauck kneading frustration into this year’s cake loaves.
Stollen, another German Christmas tradition that has gone global, has deep roots in and around Dresden, where it first appeared in the 14th century as a simple, butter-free loaf made under strict Advent fasting rules.
That changed in 1491, when Pope Innocent VIII issued the “Butter Letter,” allowing bakers to enrich the dough. Spices, candied fruit, and almonds followed and, by the 18th century, Dresden bakers were presenting enormous loaves to royalty, securing the bread’s vaunted holiday status.
Today, mass-produced versions fill German supermarkets, but only a small group of certified bakeries may call their loaves Dresdner Stollen. Dotted with raisins, and carefully folded together before being baked and doused in confectioners sugar, Stollen is supposed to represent the image of a swaddled baby Jesus.
Every holiday season since 1999, Gnauck, a fifth-generation baker in his family, has shipped some of his stollen to Americans — half as corporate gifts, he estimates, and a quarter to families with German ancestry.
He has enjoyed hearing from happy customers, even those who make him wince with their “American innovations” such as toasting stollen or spreading it with peanut butter.
“Just a good slice of stollen, with a cup of coffee — that’s it, ” he said. “That’s how it should be enjoyed.”
But now a single two-kilogram shipment, with postage and duties, costs more than $170, he said as he attached the required documents to parcels bound for Dorchester, Mass.; Raleigh, N.C.; and Houston.
“You’re looking at paying between $60 and $70 in import charges for a two-kilo stollen,” Gnauck said. “The product costs 50 euros [about $59]. Shipping is almost another 50. And then roughly $70 of customs and administrative fees.”
Only about 2% of Gnauck’s sales are to the United States, but the time required for paperwork and the additional costs for longtime customers have tainted the festive cheer. Gnauck’s verdict: “The Grinch lives in the White House,” he said. “Because what he’s actually doing is completely ruining the gifts.”
In October, after the first seasonal orders were shipped across the Atlantic, Gnauck temporarily stopped shipping to the U.S. after customers complained about unpredictable costs.
“We called the next 50 customers who had placed an order,” he said. “A quarter of them canceled. Another quarter of them reduced their order to a 1 kg, and the rest said they’d pay no matter what.”
Sending stollen to America was never economically logical, he said. “It was emotional. A gesture. And now that gesture is expensive.”
Some Dresden bakeries have stopped exporting to the United States altogether. But like Paul, the Steinbach CEO, Gnauck isn’t ready to quit. Both men said they simply want one thing from Trump: predictability.
Paul said a limited-edition nutcracker resembling Trump at the Resolute Desk — with a price tag of $399 — has nearly sold out. “The president is sitting at his desk and is signing a declaration, granting the Steinbach company duty-free status for all eternity,” he quipped.
For now, that remains fantasy: a wooden wish for stability in a season built on nostalgia — and customs logistics.
The Trump administration escalated pressure on the Smithsonian last week, threatening to withhold federal funds if it does not submit extensive documentation for a sweeping content review. President Donald Trump earlier this year set out to purge what he called “improper ideology” from the nation’s most prestigious museum system, efforts that are expected to intensify as his administration tries to shape the country’s 250th anniversary celebrations next year.
In a staff email obtained by the Washington Post, sent Friday evening after the funding threat, Smithsonian Secretary Lonnie G. Bunch III said the Smithsonian had sent information to the White House in September and intended to submit more that day. He asserted that “all content, programming, and curatorial decisions are made by the Smithsonian.”
The previous day, Domestic Policy Council director Vince Haley and White House budget directorRussell Vought wrote to Bunch that the Smithsonian’sinitial submissions “fell far short of what was requested.” Among the solicited documents are current exhibition descriptions, comprehensive America 250 programming files, draft plans for upcoming shows, and internal guidelines used in exhibition development. The White House gave the Smithsonian until Jan. 13 to meet the request.
“Funds apportioned for the Smithsonian Institution are only available for use in a manner consistent with Executive Order 14253 ‘Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History,’ and the fulfillment of the requests set forth in our Aug. 12, 2025 letter,” Haley and Vought wrote. The letter specifically referenced the Museum of American History, the Museum of Natural History, the Air and Space Museum, the Museum of African American History and Culture, the Museum of the American Indian, the Smithsonian American Art Museum, the Museum of African Art, and the National Portrait Gallery.
It was not immediately clearhow much money the White House might try to withhold, from which parts of the Smithsonian, or on what authority. The institution is about 62% federally funded by a combination of congressional appropriation, federal grants, and contracts.
An earlier letter, in August, called for an aggressive review of eight museums to ensure they align with the president’s directive to “celebrate American exceptionalism” and asked the Smithsonian tosubmit all requested materials within 75 days and “begin implementing content corrections” within 120.
Amid scrutiny from Trump, the institution had already planned its own content review, with theSmithsonian’s Board of Regents instructing Bunch in June “to ensure unbiased content” across the institution and report back on “any needed personnel changes.”
The Smithsonian declined to comment on the latest development. In Friday’s email, Bunch told staff that the institution had provided the White House with information in September about their public exhibitions and displays, policies, and procedures, and had planned to send more documents related to their mission, organization, and public exhibitions and displays.
But, Bunch added, “some aspects of the White House request are not readily available and will require a significant amount of time, labor, and coordination from various departments across the Smithsonian” and as they collect documents, they would “continue to evaluate the scope of our response.”
He stressed that the Smithsonian is “committed to transparency” and has for nearly 180 years “served our country as an independent and nonpartisan institution.”
In September, Bunch wrote in a letter to staff that the institution had assembled a small, internal team to advise on what it can provide to the White House and said it was undergoing “our own review of content to ensure our programming is factual and nonpartisan.”
The heightened demands arrive at the end of a tumultuous year for the Smithsonian — the self-described “world’s largest museum, education, and research complex” — which normallyoperates independently. Historians have broadly criticized Trump for attempting to sanitize the country’s past by demanding that cultural institutions espouse “American exceptionalism” and focus less on slavery, among other historical sins.
In June, the director of the Smithsonian’s National Portrait Gallery, Kim Sajet, resigned after Trump attempted to fire her, and months later, artist Amy Sherald pulled her solo show from the same museum, after a disagreement with the institution over how a portrait of a transgender woman as the Statue of Liberty would be displayed.
The Trump administration amplified its rhetoric over the summer, with the president posting on social media that the nation’s museums are “essentially, the last remaining segment of ‘WOKE’” and that the Smithsonian is too focused on “how bad Slavery was.” The White House later released a list of exhibits and materials at the Smithsonian of which it disapproves, specifically targeting works and content mentioning race, slavery, transgender identity, and immigration.
A unique public-private partnership that is a “trust instrumentality” created by Congress, the Smithsonian puts its public funds toward conserving national collections, basic research, public education, andadministrative and support services to maintain large museum and research complexes. Itsprivate funds are used to endow positions, build new facilities, andopen new exhibitions, among other uses, according to the Smithsonian website.
“We wish to be assured that none of the leadership of the Smithsonian museums is confused about the fact that the United States has been among the greatest forces for good in the history of the world” leading up to the nation’s 250th anniversary, Haley and Vought wrote in Thursday’s letter. “The American people will have no patience” for any museum that is “uncomfortable conveying a positive view of American history.”
The Organization of American Historians wrotein an August statement that Trump’s content review “will undoubtedly be in service of authoritarian control over the national narrative, collective memory, and national collections.”
James Millward, a history professor at Georgetown who studies Chinese history and is one of the founders and leaders of Citizen Historians for the Smithsonian — a volunteer effort to document everything on display at the institution — said that he suspects the request for digital files means “they’re looking for trigger words.” The Post reported in February that National Science Foundation staff members were combing through research projects looking for words such as “diversity” and “gender.”
“We’ve seen, of course, this across websites, across agencies, across the United States, and they want to apply that kind of sledgehammer, chauvinistic, brute force, and frankly, bigoted approach to the Smithsonian as well,” Millward told the Post.
The rhetoric from the Trump administration on how to discuss the past is “very similar to Chinese Communist Party propaganda,” he said. “Only positive stories, only positive energy, no negative energy allowed when you’re talking about history.”
Over three years, the U.S. Citizens Coinage Advisory Committee sifted through hundreds of ideas for commemorative coins to celebrate the 250th anniversary of America’s founding.
The group settled on five options, including quarters honoring abolitionist Frederick Douglass; Ruby Bridges, a 6-year-old girl who helped integrate public schools in New Orleans; and the women’s suffrage movement.
“The question was do we focus only on what happened in 1776 and the years around that or do we also talk about everything that has happened since then,” said Lawrence Brown, a retired New York City doctor who served on the committee from 2019 to 2024.
“To me, the latter is just as important if not more important because it gives us answers to the questions of how did we maintain that Constitution? How did we maintain our independence?”
In a preview of the Trump administration’s approach to celebrating the country’s 250th birthday, Treasury Department officials announced this month that the agency would ignore the committee’s recommendation and produce quarters that are far less diverse and more traditional. Instead of addressing the country’s racial history, the five coins will feature images of former presidents George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Abraham Lincoln, as well as a Pilgrim couple.
The Biden administration was focused on diversity, equity and inclusion, and critical race theory, U.S. Treasurer Brandon Beach told Fox News, but the “Trump administration is dedicated to fostering prosperity and patriotism.”
“The designs on these historic coins depict the story of America’s journey toward a ‘more perfect union,’ and celebrate America’s defining ideals of liberty,” Kristie McNally, acting director of the U.S. Mint, said in a statement.
The administration is also considering a commemorative dollar with President Donald Trump’s face on one side and his raised fist with the words “FIGHT FIGHT FIGHT” on the other, a reference to the widely circulated image of the president following an assassination attempt in 2024. Democratic senators have decried the idea as “un-American” and introduced legislation to prohibit “the likeness of a living or sitting president” from appearing on American currency.
The nation’s semiquincentennial offers Trump a rare, high-profile opportunity to shape how Americans understand the country’s history. In addition to the coins, the Post Office is expected to announce commemorative stamps, and the National Endowment for the Humanities is offering up to $200,000 to fund new statues of historical figures.
The new coin designs reflect the Trump Administration’s focus on exalting the country’s pre-civil rights history and depicting idealized images of American life. It is part of an effort to rewrite the past with an exclusionary view of American history, some historians said.
The White House is working with PragerU, a nonprofit that produces educational videos and is known for taking a conservative view of American history, to organize educational initiatives and “freedom trucks,” mobile museums that will be driven across the country during semiquincentennial celebrations.
In September, the administration announced the opening of the Founders Museum in Washington, which has been criticized by historians for its use of AI-generated material and its exclusion of nonwhite voices from the nation’s past. The administration is encouraging educators to re-create the exhibit at their schools with printable versions of the portraits and labels.
“The goal is to instill a sense of patriotism in young Americans,” said Allen Estrin, co-founder of PragerU. “If we don’t have an appreciation of our past, it’s going to be very difficult to imagine a bright future.”
Andrew Rudalevige, a professor of government at Bowdoin College, said that it is not unusual for presidents to put their stamp on historical events and tie them to their agendas. But by working so closely with ideological groups and focusing on issues like DEI, Trump is risking infusing partisan politics into the semiquincentennial and turning off half the country, he said.
“I’d be very happy for more people to read the founding documents and seriously engage with the arguments that founders were making,” Rudalevige said. “But I think unfortunately it’s likely that the celebration is going to be pushed into the same culture wars and the same polarization that seems to affect so much of the country right now when it ought to be a time when we could rise above that.”
Dean Kotlowski, a historian who served on the Citizens Coinage Advisory Committee from 2018 to 2023, said the new coins are part of the administration’s efforts to derail a campaign to diversify the faces on America’s money. “The whole idea was to get away from this kind of presidential history but these coins are very, very traditional,” Kotlowski said.
The committee, which was established by Congress in 2003, began working on coins to celebrate the country’s 250th birthday after Trump signed the Circulating Collectible Coin Redesign Act during the waning days of his first term. The law called for the creation of five quarters, including at least one featuring a woman.
The 11-member committee worked with the National Archives, National Park Service, and historians to develop themes and designs for the coins. They conducted online polls and solicited public comment. The process culminated in a two-day public hearing in October 2024 before the panel submitted its final recommendations to then-Treasury Secretary Janet L. Yellen.
Among the designs recommended for the quarter featuring Bridge is an image immortalized in Norman Rockwell’s 1964 painting of her being escorted to school by U.S. marshals with the words “We Shall Overcome.” The committee chose a portrait of Frederick Douglass that, it said, “conveys his strength as a symbol of the abolition movement.” A third coin celebrating the women’s suffrage movement included a protester carrying a “Votes for Women” flag.
The remaining two quarters would feature images of the Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution.
“The process, as it was supposed to happen, is very well-informed, very public, and taken very seriously,” said Dennis Tucker, who took part in the deliberations during his tenure on the committee from 2016 to 2024. “It’s not clear what went into this decision.”
Trump has been on a campaign to restore what he calls “patriotic education” to the country’s national parks, monuments, and museums. Signs and exhibits related to slavery have been removed from multiple national parks with Trump arguing that they overemphasize the negative aspects of American history. The administration cut funding to small archives and museums across the country but later restored grants to those aligned with Trump’s vision for the celebration of the 250th anniversary.
During his first term, his administration halted efforts to put Harriet Tubman on the $20 bill, with Trump criticizing the Obama-era decision as “pure political correctness.”
David Ekbladh, a professor of history at Tufts University, said Trump’s focus on advancing a traditional version of history has intensified since his first term. “During his first administration, Trump pardoned Susan B. Anthony,” Ekbladh said. In 1872, nearly 50 years before women gained the right to vote, Anthony was arrested for wrongfully and willfully voting.
“But now, even the suffragists are seen as outside the pale of what they want as part of our remembered past.”
The Justice Department released a slice of its massive files on the convicted sexual offender Jeffrey Epstein on Friday, a much-anticipated disclosure that revealed new details about the government’s investigation into Epstein’s sex crimes and opulent life.
The more than 100,000 pages released included few documents related to President Donald Trump, although mentions of the president were expected among files that Congress had required the government to release by Friday. DOJ said it will continue to release documents in coming weeks, angering critics who have demanded a speedier process and fewer deletions of photos, videos, court records, and more.
The government has continued to release new files since the initial dump Friday afternoon. Overnight, the Justice Department posted records, including grand jury testimony and an interview with Alex Acosta, who as U.S. Attorney in Miami oversaw the lenient plea deal Epstein received in 2008.
U.S. Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche said the department is working “tirelessly” to provide documents while protecting victims’ identities.
“We are looking at every single piece of paper that we are going to produce, making sure that every victim, their name, their identity, their story, to the extent it needs to be protected, is completely protected,” Blanche told Fox News.
Here are four takeaways from what has been released so far:
Trump is not mentioned in many records
A major question looming over the Epstein case has been whether Trump had any awareness of Epstein’s crimes. The president has said he did not know about criminal behavior, and his spokesperson has said he kicked Epstein out of his Mar-a-Lago Club for being “a creep.”
Friday’s disclosures don’t mention the president often.
Trump’s name appears in victim interviews where investigators and attorneys bring up his friendship with Epstein, but no victim in the files accuses Trump of wrongdoing. Much of the material released has been previously disclosed, including a 2010 deposition in which Epstein declined to answer a question, citing his Fifth Amendment rights, when asked about socializing with Trump in the presence of underage girls.
Friday’s materials include several photos and other documents that mention Trump. There is a photo of a check signed with his name, which appears similar to a check in a previously released book for Epstein’s birthday. Trump’s The Art of the Comeback is on Epstein’s bookshelf in another picture. A flight log shows Trump traveling with Epstein and his son Eric.
Former President Bill Clinton is depicted in several photos, including one where he is swimming with Epstein’s accomplice Ghislaine Maxwell and another woman.
Clinton’s spokesperson Angel Ureña suggested that the White House had engineered the release of the photos to shield Trump.
“They can release as many grainy 20-plus-year-old photos as they want, but this isn’t about Bill Clinton,” he said. “Never has, never will be.”
Epstein had many celebrities in his orbit
Over the years, Epstein’s associations with major figures in business, politics, and Hollywood have been a big part of the narrative about him.
Friday’s release includes photos showing Epstein and Maxwell posing with celebrities, including a sunglass-wearing Michael Jackson, who died in 2009.
These records didn’t implicate the celebrities in any wrongdoing. They vividly illustrate Epstein’s social access to high-profile figures. Many of Epstein’s star-studded associations were previously known.
Last week, the Democrats on the House Oversight Committee released a batch of photos from a separate group of documents provided by Epstein’s estate. Those included photos of Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates, filmmaker Woody Allen, and conservative media figure Stephen K. Bannon.
Epstein pleaded guilty in 2008 in Florida to state charges of soliciting prostitution from a minor. In 2019, he was arrested by federal authorities and charged with sex trafficking. He died in federal custody that year, before his case could go to trial. His death was ruled a suicide. Blanche said Friday in a letter to Congress that the Justice Department had compiled the names of 1,200 people who were either victims of Epstein or relatives of victims.
Many documents are redacted or not new
Many documents are entirely covered with black or have rows of information blocked out.
There are also pages and pages of scans of CDs, blank file covers, and other records without much information about what they contain. Many of the redactions clearly cover personal information from victims’ statements, investigative records, and Epstein’s personal documents.
Under the law, the administration is authorized to redact information to protect victims, withhold any images of child abuse, and block the release of documents that are classified or would jeopardize current federal law enforcement efforts.
The redactions have been widely criticized by Democrats and those seeking more disclosures.
Sen. Charles E. Schumer (D., N.Y.) said in a statement that “this set of heavily redacted documents released by the Department of Justice today is just a fraction of the whole body of evidence.”
Reps. Ro Khanna (D., Calif.) and Thomas Massie (R., Ky.), who led the effort in Congress to demand the document release, demanded full disclosure of the records.
“Attorney General Pam Bondi is withholding specific documents that the law required her to release by today,” Massie said.
There is more to come
Blanche told Fox that he expects “several hundred thousand more” records to be released by the government “in the next couple of weeks.”
The Justice Department has not shared what records are still remaining and when they will be released.
Khanna told NPR that he found the release unsatisfactory and expects the agency to release the draft indictment in Epstein’s first case, more witness interviews, and other records.
“Overall, I’ve been pretty disappointed with the release,” he said.
The Trump administration plans to shift the federal government away from directly recommending most vaccines for children and suggest they receive fewer shots to more closely align with Denmark’s immunization model, according to two people familiar with the matter.
Federal health officials are weighing vaccine guidance that would encourage parents to talk to a doctor to make decisions for most shots, according to the people, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe internal deliberations. This approach would mark a fundamental shift in the U.S. healthcare system, which generally relies on federal health agencies to guide how patients are protected against disease.
It was not immediately clear which shots would no longer be recommended. The plans are still in flux, the people said, but broadly align with President Donald Trump’s directive earlier this month to consider recommending fewer shots, referring to the United States as an “outlier” among developed countries. He said any changes to the country’s vaccine schedule should continue to preserve access to currently available shots.
Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has been critical of the childhood vaccine schedule for years and has called for additional scrutiny, even though he told senators during his confirmation hearings that he supports the schedule.
Andrew Nixon, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services, said of the planned revisions to vaccine recommendations: “Unless you hear it from HHS directly, this is pure speculation.” The potential shift to more closely align with Denmark’s schedule was first reported by CNN.
The current U.S. schedule calls for vaccinations to protect against 18 infectious diseases, including COVID-19, according to a Food and Drug Administration presentation in December, compared with calls for vaccinations to protect against 10 infectious diseases in Denmark. Denmark does not recommend vaccinating children for influenza, respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), and chickenpox, among other common pathogens.
Public health experts say comparisons to Denmark are misleading, noting the countries differ sharply in population, health systems, and disease burden. They argue that what works in Denmark’s small universal healthcare system does not easily translate to the far larger and more diverse U.S. population with uneven access to quality care.
“You don’t just superimpose policies from other countries without context onto the United States,” said Demetre Daskalakis, who oversaw the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s center for respiratory diseases and immunization before he resigned from the agency in August. “This is not gold standard science.”
A Danish health official questioned why the U.S. would follow his country’s lead.
“Personally, I do not think this makes sense scientifically,” Anders Hviid, an official in Denmark’s Statens Serum Institute, which prevents and controls infectious diseases as part of the country’s ministry of health, wrote in an email early Saturday. “Public health is not one size fits all. It’s population specific and dynamic. Denmark and the U.S. are two very different countries.”
Unlike Denmark, the U.S. is planning a more limited approach for recommending vaccines to children known as shared clinical decision-making, which has not been reported. This means people should consult a doctor, pharmacist, or other medical professional before getting a shot, and insurers would still be required to pay for them. It’s not clear how broad the shift would be and when it would happen.
This type of recommendation is usually made when there is real uncertainty about the benefits and risks, said David Higgins, an assistant professor of pediatrics at the University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus. By applying it broadly to many vaccines that are now routinely recommended, it creates the false impression that experts are divided on the best way to protect health, he said.
“I have never been more concerned about the future of vaccines and children’s health than I am now,” Higgins said.
In practice, vaccination is often already done in consultation with doctors, who explain the risks and benefits to patients. But critics of the shared clinical decision-making approach say it takes the government out of the business of providing powerful endorsements and can confuse doctors.
A 2016 survey found that most pediatricians and family doctors did not know private insurers are required to cover vaccines recommended under this model.
Under Kennedy, the CDC has already shifted recommendations for some vaccines to this talk-to-a-doctor approach, including for COVID and the hepatitis B vaccine for children. In the case of adults seeking COVID vaccines, the shift has had little practical impact at major pharmacy chains such as CVS where the shots are still routinely administered without prescriptions.
Kennedy, the founder of a prominent anti-vaccine group, has previously decried the “exploding vaccine schedule” and blamed it for the rise of chronic disease, autism, and food allergies in the United States. Medical experts have said more vaccines are available now to combat more diseases, arguing the link has no basis in evidence.
In a Truth Social post this month, Trump wrote that “many parents and scientists have been questioning the efficacy of this ‘schedule,’ as have I!”
The plan to redo the U.S. schedule “kicked into high gear” immediately after Trump’s directive, one person familiar with the plan said. Two experts who were consulted — Martin Kulldorff, recently named a chief science officer at HHS, and Tracy Beth Hoeg, a top official at the Food and Drug Administration — have expressed concern about the number of vaccinations in the U.S. schedule.
Hoeg gave a presentation two weeks ago comparing the U.S. with Denmark during a meeting of the CDC’s federal vaccine advisory committee. One of her slides, titled “Danish Vaccination Schedule Benefits,” said the country makes more time for overall health at doctors’ appointments and decreases the “medicalization of childhood.”
The Denmark schedule does not include seasonal respiratory vaccines, such as RSV, the leading cause of infant hospitalizations in the U.S., or influenza for children. During last year’s flu season, the CDC reported 288 deaths associated with pediatric influenza, the highest number since the 2009-2010 H1N1 swine flu pandemic.
Denmark also does not recommend vaccinating against hepatitis B for all infants, as well as hepatitis A and rotavirus for any infants and children.
Higgins, the Colorado pediatrician, said many clinics and pediatricians will simply say they don’t recommend the Denmark schedule, which will worsen parental confusion. School vaccination requirements are set by state laws, and most require some of the vaccines that aren’t on the Denmark schedule, Higgins said.
Denmark has universal prenatal care and strong social services. Tom Frieden, a former CDC director, recently wrote that virtually every pregnant woman in Denmark receives consistent medical attention and testing for serious diseases that can be passed to their babies throughout their pregnancy, including hepatitis B.
About 1 in 4 pregnant patients in the U.S. deliver babies without adequate prenatal care, according to a report by the March of Dimes.
“We do not believe in the one-size-fits-all approach nor the approach of choose one random alternate national schedule and adopt it,” said James Campbell, vice chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics’ infectious-diseases committee.
Del Bigtree, Kennedy’s former communications director during his presidential run and the leader of an anti-vaccine group, said he’d support shifting to a Denmark model for vaccination, adding that the “medical freedom” movement has always touted that country.
“Our belief is there are just too many vaccines,” Bigtree said. “It’s very exciting, but it still won’t solve my major issue that vaccines aren’t mandated.”
The Delaware Supreme Court ruled to restore Elon Musk’s disputed $56 billion pay package on Friday, reversing another court’s decision that it had been awarded through an unfair process.
The decision comes after a nearly two-year battle over the fate of the then-unprecedented pay deal, following the Delaware Court of Chancery’s ruling that it had been improperly awarded. The earlier ruling said that the process had been unduly influenced by Musk and that members of the board were not independent. In response, Musk reincorporated some of his companies out of Delaware, including moving Tesla to Texas.
Musk said he had been “vindicated” by Friday’s ruling, adding in a later X post: “I try not to start fights, but I do finish them.”
The restoration of the pay package bolsters Musk’s position in Tesla, a publicly traded company in which he holds a massive, double-digit percentage stake that drives much of his more than $600 billion fortune.
Earlier this year Tesla shareholders voted to grant Musk an even larger, $1 trillion pay package — contingent on Musk hitting business milestones — that aims to tie him to the company for the next decade.
At the time of the ruling, the 2018 pay deal was unprecedented in scale. The Delaware judge who struck it down had written that it was “the largest potential compensation opportunity ever observed in public markets … 250 times larger than” the median earnings of someone in Musk’s position. It was also “33 times larger than the plan’s closest comparison … Musk’s prior compensation plan.”
The Delaware Supreme Court’s ruling Friday was succinct.
“We reverse the Court of Chancery’s rescission remedy and award $1 in nominal damages.”
The ruling said the Chancery court had erred in its remedy because reversing the package would leave “Musk uncompensated for his time and efforts over a period of six years.” Musk does not draw a traditional salary for his work at Tesla but instead is compensated through periodic pay packages consisting of stock awards.