Tag: Donald Trump

  • ‘Philly crime’ and the specter of Donald Trump are dominating two Bucks County law enforcement races

    ‘Philly crime’ and the specter of Donald Trump are dominating two Bucks County law enforcement races

    Bucks County Republicans are stoking fears about crime in Philadelphia even as violent crime in the city steadily drops from its high during the pandemic.

    Digital ads Republicans have circulated for the county’s sheriff and district attorney races since August tell voters to “keep Philly crime out of Bucks County,” borrowing a tactic from President Donald Trump, who regularly promotes exaggerated visions of crime-ridden liberal cities.

    Republicans in the purple collar county hope the message will boost the GOP incumbents, District Attorney Jen Schorn and Sheriff Fred Harran, as they face off this fall against their respective Democratic challengers, Joe Khan and Danny Ceisler.

    “We’re letting anarchy take over our country in certain places, and that’s not something we want in Bucks,” said Pat Poprik, the chair of the Bucks County Republican Party.

    Meanwhile, Democrats are eager to tie the GOP incumbents to Trump, portraying them as allies of a president whose nationwide approval rate is dropping.

    Khan, a former county solicitor and former federal prosecutor who unsuccessfully ran for attorney general last year, is seeking to portray himself as less politically motivated than Schorn, a veteran prosecutor who is running for a full term as district attorney after being appointed to the position last year.

    Ceisler, an Army veteran and an attorney who worked for Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro’s administration, has taken a similar approach in his race against Harran, the outspoken Republican sheriff who has sought a controversial partnership with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

    “Democrats are far more enthusiastic about voting precisely because they see what’s happening on the national level. They are really infuriated by what Donald Trump is doing,” State Sen. Steve Santarsiero, who chairs the Bucks County Democratic Party, said. “They’re going to make their displeasure heard by coming to the polls.”

    The local races in the key county, which Trump narrowly won last year, will be a temperature check on how swing voters are responding to Trump’s second term and will gauge their enthusiasm ahead of the 2026 midterms, when Shapiro stands for reelection.

    As the Nov. 4 election approaches, early signs indicate Democrats’ message might be working — polling conducted by a Democratic firm in September found their candidates ahead, and three weeks before Election Day, Democrats had requested more than twice as many mail ballots as Republicans.

    “I think the Republican Party has the same problem it always does. … They turn out when Trump’s on the ticket, but when he’s not, there’s less enthusiasm,” said Jim Worthington, who has run pro-Trump organizations in Bucks County. “Truth be told, the Democrats do a hell of a job just turning out their voters.”

    State Treasurer Stacy Garrity, a Republican running for Pa. governor, poses with Bucks County elected officers following her campaign rally Sat the Newtown Sports & Events Center. From left: Bucks County Sheriff Fred Harran; Bucks County District Attorney Jennifer Schorn; Garrity; and Pamela Van Blunk, Bucks County Controller.

    GOP warns of ‘dangerous’ policies

    Republican messaging in the two races focuses on the idea that Bucks County is safe, but its neighbors are not.

    GOP ads, which have run over the course of four months, suggest that Khan and Ceisler would enact “dangerous” policies in Bucks County such as “releasing criminals without bail” and “giving sanctuary to violent gang members.”

    Democrats reject these ads as scare tactics. The ads make implicit comparisons to Philly’s progressive District Attorney Larry Krasner, who is poised to win a third term in the city but remains a controversial figure in the wider region even as violent crime rates have fallen in the city.

    They frame Harran and Schorn in stark contrast to their opponents as lifelong Bucks County law enforcement officers with histories of holding criminals accountable.

    “I think it resonates beyond the Republican base,” said Guy Ciarrocchi, a Republican analyst, who contended frequent news coverage of Krasner makes the message more viable.

    Khan, a former assistant Philly district attorney who unsuccessfully ran against Krasner in the 2017 primary, has noted that he campaigned “very, very vigorously” against Krasner and challenged his ideas on how to serve the city.

    “I accept the reality that I didn’t win that election,” said Khan, whose platform in 2017 included a proposal to stop prosecuting most low-level drug offenses. “Unlike my opponent, who seems to basically enjoy the sport of scoring political points by sparring with the DA of Philadelphia.”

    Schorn, however, is adamant that politics has never played a role in her prosecutorial decisions. Her mission, she said, is “simply to get justice.”

    A lifelong Bucks County resident who has been a prosecutor in the county since 1999, Schorn handled some of the county’s most high-profile cases and spearheaded the formation of a task force for internet crimes against children.

    Bucks County District Attorney Jennifer Schorn speaks at a Republican rally at the Newtown Sports & Events Center in September.

    “This has been my life’s mission, prosecuting cases here in Bucks County, the county where I was raised,” she said. “I didn’t do it for any notoriety. I didn’t do it for self-promotion. I did it because it’s what I went to law school to do.”

    Harran spent decades as Bensalem’s public safety director before first running for sheriff in 2021. He is seeking reelection amid controversy caused by his decision to partner his agency with ICE, a move that a Bucks County judge upheld last week after a legal challenge.

    “Being Bucks County Sheriff isn’t a position you can learn on the job. For 39 years, I’ve woken up every day focused on keeping our communities safe,” Harran said in an email to The Inquirer in which he criticized Ceisler as lacking experience.

    Although Ceisler has never worked directly in law enforcement, he argues the sheriff’s job is one of leadership in public safety. That’s something he says he’s well versed in as a senior public safety official in Shapiro’s administration who previously served on the Pentagon’s COVID-19 crisis management team.

    Harran, who described his opponent as a “political strategist,” criticized “politicians” for bringing “half-baked ideas like ‘no-cash bail’” into law enforcement. The concept, which is repeatedly derided in the GOP ads, sets up a system by which defendants are either released free of charge or held without the opportunity for bail based on their risk to the community and likelihood of returning to court.

    Khan and Ceisler each voiced support for the concept in prior runs for Philadelphia district attorney and Bucks County district attorney, respectively.

    Both say they still support cashless bail. Neither, however, would have the authority to implement the policy if elected, though Khan as district attorney could establish policies preventing county prosecutors from seeking cash bail in certain cases.

    Joe Khan, a Democratic candidate running for Bucks County DA, walks from his polling place in Doylestown, Pa. in April 2024 when he was running for attorney general.

    “When a defendant is arrested and they come into court, every prosecutor answers this question: Should this person be detained or not?” Khan said. “If the answer is yes, then your position in court is that this person shouldn’t be let out, and it doesn’t matter how much money they have. And if the answer is no, then you need to figure out what conditions you need to make sure they come to court.”

    Democrats claim to ‘keep politics out’

    Even as Democrats view voter anger at Trump as a key piece of their path to victory, they are working to present themselves as apolitical.

    Democratic ads attack Schorn for not investigating a pipeline leak in Upper Makefield and Harran as caring about nothing but himself. Positive ads highlight Ceisler’s military background and Khan’s career as a federal prosecutor.

    Khan and Ceisler, the Democratic Party’s ads argue, will “stop child predators, stand up to corruption, and they’ll keep politics out of public safety.”

    Khan has described Schorn as a political actor running her office “under Trump’s blueprint.” He has focused on her decisions not to prosecute an alleged child abuse case in the Central Bucks School District or investigate the company responsible for a jet fuel leak into Upper Makefield’s drinking water.

    The jet fuel case was turned over to the environmental crimes unit in Pennsylvania Attorney General Dave Sunday’s office. And prosecutorial rules bar Schorn from discussing the alleged abuse.

    “During the last, I don’t know, 13 years when [Khan] has been pursuing politics, I’ve been a public servant,” Schorn said. “For someone accusing me of putting politics first, he seems to be using politics to further his own agenda.”

    But Schorn appears in GOP ads alongside Harran, a figure who has frequently invited political controversy in fights with the Democratic-led Bucks County Board of Commissioners, his effort to partner with federal immigration authorities, and his early endorsement of Trump last year.

    At a September rally in Newtown for Treasurer Stacy Garrity, a Republican running for governor, Harran cracked jokes about former President Joe Biden’s age as he climbed onto the stage and falsely told voters that they will “lose [their] right to vote” if they don’t vote out three Pennsylvania Supreme Court justices standing for retention.

    Harran has long contended that his decision to partner with ICE was not political.

    “I’m a cop who ran to keep being a cop. This isn’t about politics for me — it’s about doing everything I can to keep my community safe,” Harran said.

    Harran’s opponent, Ceisler, paints a different picture as he draws a direct line between the sheriff and the president.

    Danny Ceisler, a Democrat, is running for Bucks County sheriff.

    Trump, Ceisler said, has inserted politics into public safety in his second term, and he contended that Harran has done the same.

    “[Harran] used his bully pulpit to help get the president elected, so to that extent he is linked to the president for better or worse,” Ceisler said in an interview.

    Ceisler has pledged to take politics out of the office and end the department’s partnership with ICE if elected.

    At an event in Warminster last month, voters were quick to ask Ceisler which party he was running with. Ceisler asked them to hear his pitch about how he would run the office first.

    “Don’t hold it against me,” he quipped as he ultimately admitted to one voter he’s a Democrat.

    Staff writer Fallon Roth contributed to this article.

    This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.

  • Pennsylvania state government relies on H-1B workers. Trump wants to charge employers $100,000 for those visas.

    Pennsylvania state government relies on H-1B workers. Trump wants to charge employers $100,000 for those visas.

    Government contractors are among the big employers grappling with President Donald Trump’s plan to charge employers $100,000 for new H-1B visas, which allow hundreds of thousands of workers from foreign countries to work in the United States every year.

    Leading contractors such as Amazon Web Services at the federal level and Deloitte Consulting in Pennsylvania rely on H-1B visas to bring in foreign skilled professionals for their U.S. workforces.

    Once a supporter of the 35-year-old program, Trump said in a September executive order that he now agrees with critics that “systemic abuse” of the visas has displaced U.S. workers, “discouraging Americans from pursuing careers in science and technology,” and driving down wages. He announced a fee of $100,000 for new H-1B visas, which would significantly boost costs for government contractors and other employers that continue to use the visas.

    U.S. immigration officials issue up to 85,000 new H-1B visas a year. Generations of engineers and technical workers have moved to the United States to work for government agencies using these visas. Some remain as permanent residents and become citizens.

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    About 50% of all U.S. H-1B visa holders arrive from India, and the percentage is higher in technical fields. More than 80% of Deloitte H-1B visa holders stationed in the Harrisburg area from 2022-2024 originated in India, according to federal visa data. These professionals earned a median of around $100,000 a year.

    Recruiters promoted the visas extensively in 2000 to help U.S. companies update systems under Y2K programs, said Akanksha Kalra, an immigration attorney in Philadelphia who has represented many H-1B visa holders. Since then the program became so popular among employers and applicants that H-1B visas have been awarded through a lottery.

    Here’s what you need to know about H-1B visas.

    Who are the largest employers of H-1B workers in Pennsylvania?

    Among Pennsylvania-based employers, Deloitte Consulting is by far the top H-1B contractor. More than 3,000 of the 9,930 H-1B visas the government granted in Pennsylvania last year were for Deloitte Consulting and its tax and accounting affiliates. The company ranked among the 10 largest H-1B visa users across the U.S. last year. Pennsylvania was a major Deloitte client, paying $260 million for its services to state health, labor, and transportation programs, among others.

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    How long can people with H-1B visas work in the U.S.?

    Employers can apply to have H-1B visas extended for a total of six years, boosting the total of H-1B workers in the country at any one time to hundreds of thousands. Spouses of H-1B visa professionals often apply for H-4 work visas.

    Another program popular with employers, the Optional Practical Training work authorization, is available to foreign students entering the workforce, for up to three years; more than 400,000 were granted in 2024.

    Which states have the most H-1B workers?

    Six states — California, Texas, New York, New Jersey, Virginia, and Pennsylvania — account for more than half the 283,000 new and returning H-1B visas approved by the federal government for fiscal year 2024, the most recent data available.

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    The largest H-1B employers include Amazon’s Virginia operations, whose clients include the Pentagon and other U.S. security, surveillance, and technology agencies; other Big Tech employers such as Meta, Oracle, and Google; banks such as J.P. Morgan and Goldman Sachs; and manufacturers, such as automakers General Motors, Ford, and Tesla. Hospitals use the visas to bring in doctors, universities for professors.

    How does Pennsylvania state government rely on H-1B workers?

    Besides Deloitte, the visas are popular among small firms that specialize in IT contracting for Pennsylvania state government, according to a check of information technology firms contracted to Pennsylvania state departments under the no-bid Information Technology Supplemental Assistance (ITSA) program, which started in 2010 as a way to add short-term technical project assistance.

    Payments to ITSA contractors rose from $24 million in 2010 to $188 million last year, spread among hundreds of mostly small and specialized firms, according to data The Inquirer obtained in a Right to Know request.

    In each year, more than half of ITSA spending went to firms that were granted at least one H-1B visa. Together ITSA firms were awarded 171 H-1B visas last year, not counting Deloitte.

    What do Pennsylvania officials say about Trump’s $100,000 plan?

    A spokesperson for Gov. Josh Shapiro’s administration said state officials are studying Trump’s proposal.

    State agencies don’t themselves sponsor H-1B visa applicants, and the state “does not have information hired by suppliers through the federal H-1B visa program,” said Dan Egan, a spokesperson for the state Office of Administration.

    However, OST Inc., the state contractor that oversees hundreds of information technology contractors to more than 30 Pennsylvania state agencies, requires them to report H-1B visa holders, as well as participants in other foreign guest worker programs such as the OPT visa. OST didn’t respond to inquiries.

    Is a scarcity of Pennsylvania tech talent forcing employers to bring in staff from abroad?

    The National Bureau of Economic Research says H-1B has reduced employment and wages for U.S. citizen data scientists but also cut technology costs, benefiting the economy. American workers have testified in Congress about being laid off by employers who hired visa holders.

    Pennsylvania legislators who held hearings on the ITSA program in 2017 did not dispute that the state faced a shortage of tech talent in the Harrisburg area. Contractors said the state should verify visa holders’ education and work experience to avoid overpaying.

    The Shapiro administration says it has created technology apprenticeship, internship, and fellowship programs that help Pennsylvanians without a college degree qualify for state tech jobs and help fill IT positions.

    Several publicly traded companies formerly based in central Pennsylvania, including TE Connectivity, Enviri, and Rite Aid moved their headquarters from the Harrisburg area to the Philadelphia metropolitan area in recent years. Each cited the difficulty finding American tech workers and managers willing to live in Central Pennsylvania.

    Why is Trump so interested in H-1B visas?

    In his Sept. 19 executive order, Trump noted that the visas are supposed to go to people who could do “high-skilled” jobs that Americans aren’t doing — but, he said, technology employers “have abused the H-1B statute and its regulations to artificially suppress wages” to the disadvantage of U.S. workers.

    That’s a switch for Trump, who last December defended H-1B. “I’ve always liked the visas. I have always been in favor of the visas. That’s why we have them,” Trump told the New York Post last December. “I have many H-1B visas on my properties. I’ve been a believer in H-1B. I have used it many times. It’s a great program.”

    How are business and labor reacting to Trump’s H-1B plan?

    Though labor groups have long called for employers who use H-1B staff to pay higher wages, the United Auto Workers and American Association of University Professors have joined in a lawsuit to stop Trump from imposing what they call an illegal fee. On Oct. 16, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce also sued, calling Trump’s action “unlawful.”

  • Philadelphia’s immigration court now rejects three in four asylum cases under Trump

    Philadelphia’s immigration court now rejects three in four asylum cases under Trump

    Asylum denials in Philadelphia’s immigration court have spiked through the first seven months of President Donald Trump’s administration, according to an Inquirer analysis of the latest available government data.

    The court has denied 74% of asylum claims in the first seven months of Trump’s second term, compared with a 61% denial rate during the last seven months of the Biden administration, mirroring national trends.

    The data were published by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC), a data gathering and research organization that regularly acquires and analyzes such data from the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), the agency responsible for overseeing the nation’s immigration courts system.

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    And it’s not just that denials are up: The volume of cases has risen substantially as well. The Philadelphia court heard twice as many cases over Trump’s first seven months, compared with Biden’s final seven: 1,059 vs. 513.

    Local immigration attorneys say that’s no coincidence.

    “Absolutely. They’re pushing cases to go forward,” said Brennan Gian-Grasso, founding partner of Philadelphia’s Gian-Grasso & Tomczak Immigration Law Group, when asked whether the two trends may be connected. “Additionally — and I think this is probably the big difference — prosecutorial discretion.”

    Under the Biden administration, Gian-Grasso said, immigration officials often gave asylum seekers who may not have necessarily qualified for asylum the opportunity to remain in the United States by putting a case on hold or otherwise allowing individuals to continue to stay in the United States so long as they did not have a criminal record or other derogatory characteristics.

    “That’s gone,” said Gian-Grasso. “Every case is going forward now.”

    The administration has been open about its efforts to push cases through the system. Last month, EOIR issued a news release trumpeting a shrinking backlog of immigration court cases — claiming a decrease of 450,000 pending cases since Trump’s inauguration. TRAC data indicate a slight decrease for Philadelphia’s backlog since the start of the current fiscal year last October.

    Emma Tuohy, a partner at Philadelphia’s Landau, Hess, Simon, Choi & Doebley and a recent past president of the American Immigration Lawyers Association’s Philadelphia chapter, suggested the rising number of decisions and denial rates were connected to another recent trend: surging arrests and detentions by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

    “Denials in detained settings have always been higher,” Tuohy said, explaining that attorneys face particular obstacles when representing detained clients.

    The Inquirer reported in August that the number of people detained in ICE custody in New Jersey and Pennsylvania was up about 68% in July compared with figures at the start of Trump’s administration.

    Historically, asylum denial rates are vastly higher for those individuals who were in custody at the time a decision was rendered in their cases. Since the start of the 2000 fiscal year, about 99% of detained individuals in Philadelphia’s immigration court were denied asylum, compared with 63% of individuals who were detained at some point but later released and 58% of those who were never detained since the start of fiscal 2000. Similar, though smaller, gaps exist nationally.

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    “[Cases] move much, much quicker — within just a couple months — as opposed to non-detained cases which can take a few years. It’s a much shorter timeline to put together extensive documentation and it’s obviously quite a bit harder to work with clients, given they are not as accessible as normal,” said Tuohy. “It’s much harder for individuals in detention to collect documents, to call people they need to speak with, to prepare their statements, to request letters from witnesses. We’re relying mostly on families that are outside and they may not have all the information nor access.”

    Officials at EOIR did not respond to requests for comment.

    A flurry of policy changes have made winning cases tougher

    The substantial increase in denial rates since Trump’s inauguration has been accompanied by a succession of policy changes at EOIR.

    The first came in a February memo issued by Sirce Owen, the Trump-appointed acting director of EOIR. Unlike typical federal judges, immigration court judges are not independent judicial branch officials but executive branch employees within EOIR. The directive rescinded a 2023 memo meant to better ensure that individuals in asylum proceedings are provided with adequate interpretation and translation services.

    Gian-Grasso explained that access to interpretive services can be critical to an asylum seeker’s ability to properly plead their case.

    “Just in my own experience, I’ve had clients who could not speak a word of English — and were illiterate even in their own language — but in translation during testimony could very, very effectively and intelligently articulate their fear of return to their country and their asylum case,” he said.

    Gian-Grasso worried the policy shift would put some asylum seekers at a severe disadvantage.

    “Limiting that kind of access dooms asylum cases because if you can’t tell your story, what does the judge have to go on?” he said.

    Historically, asylum denial rates are significantly higher for those individuals who don’t speak English. In Philadelphia’s immigration court, about 62% of non-English speakers were denied asylum, compared with 51% of English speakers, since the start of fiscal 2000.

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    Attorneys have cited a second memo, issued in April, as likely to have an even greater effect on asylees.

    That memo essentially encouraged immigration judges to order an asylum seeker removed before providing them with an opportunity for a full hearing of their case — an action known as pretermission — if a judge believes that an applicant has failed to present sufficient corroborating evidence at the outset of their proceedings.

    Tuohy described the practical effect of the policy as telling judges to throw out cases over paperwork errors.

    “These [cases] are not being pretermitted because there’s not corroborating evidence or there’s not an affidavit or there’s a credibility issue where they don’t believe a person’s story on the merits,” Tuohy said. “This is just because someone has not fully filled out a form.”

    Gian-Grasso said the new memo will likely be particularly difficult on individuals navigating the immigration system without an attorney.

    “Asylum is highly technical. It’s very difficult to put together an asylum case,” Gian-Grasso said. “You can have a valid asylum case, but if you don’t know how to put it together legally — now judges are being told to look to pretermit in these situations.”

    Historically, asylum denial rates are markedly higher for those individuals who don’t have access to an attorney. In Philadelphia’s immigration court, about 82% of asylum applicants without representation were denied asylum, compared with 57% of those who did. An even larger gap exists nationally.

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    Denial rates vary by president, and, locally, by judge

    While recent denial rates are the highest on record, increases and decreases in the rate of asylum denials are nothing new.

    While Philadelphia’s recent denial rate marks the highest since data became available a quarter century ago, rates have fluctuated over time, with notable shifts depending on who’s in the White House.

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    In addition to notable partisan gaps, the data reveal another factor in success for an asylum speaker: the judge assigned to the case.

    From the 2019 through 2024 fiscal years, the Philadelphia judge with the lowest denial rate denied asylum in 33% of cases, compared with the judge with the highest denial rate, 85%.

    Tuohy expressed frustration over that chasm in case outcomes.

    “There’s just absolutely no way that those judges are being assigned such fundamentally different cases that their grant rates should be so different so unfortunately yes, it makes a huge difference what judge you get assigned to,” Tuohy said.

    Gian-Grasso agreed, arguing it’s one more reason that asylees without an attorney are penalized.

    “You know as an attorney what you’re getting when you go in with these judges and how to structure your case,” said Gian-Grasso. “But, again, that goes back to our [unrepresented asylum seekers]. They have no idea and they’re similarly disadvantaged for having this lack of knowledge at the end of the day.”

  • Judge rules Bucks County sheriff’s agreement to cooperate with ICE was ‘reasonable and necessary’

    Judge rules Bucks County sheriff’s agreement to cooperate with ICE was ‘reasonable and necessary’

    Bucks County Sheriff Fred Harran acted legally in signing up to have his deputies help ICE enforce federal immigration laws, a judge ruled Wednesday in a case that has riled residents on both sides of a contentious issue.

    Bucks County Court Judge Jeffrey Trauger said Harran’s cooperation with the agency was “clearly lawful under Pennsylvania jurisprudence,” and both “reasonable and necessary” in fulfilling his lawful duty to keep the citizens of Bucks County safe.

    What the judge called “intergovernmental cooperation of law enforcement” is no different under the law at the county, state, or federal level, he wrote.

    The ACLU of Pennsylvania and other plaintiffs had asked Trauger to issue an injunction blocking the partnership from moving forward.

    Reached by phone Wednesday, Harran said he was pleased with the decision and expected his partnership with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to be fully operational by the end of next week.

    “I knew from the time I started this that I was in the right, that the county commissioners do not control the office of the sheriff,” Harran said.

    A spokesperson for Bucks County said the county intended to appeal.

    Those who sought to block Harran’s efforts said they would continue to battle.

    “This decision doesn’t mean that we’ll stop fighting to hold Sheriff Harran accountable,” said Diana Robinson, co-executive director of Make the Road Pennsylvania, an advocacy group that was one of the plaintiffs. ”Indeed, we will redouble our efforts in this case and continue to fight for what is right.”

    She said an alliance between Harran’s department and ICE was aimed at “turning our neighborhoods into surveillance zones” and “weaponizing local law enforcement to carry out ICE’s harmful agenda.”

    Community members rally in Bucks County before civil rights groups asked a judge to block Sheriff Fred Harran’s controversial partnership with ICE.

    In his opinion, the judge said it did not appear that Make the Road, NAACP Bucks County, or Buxmont Unitarian Universalist Fellowship as organizations had clear standing to sue under Pennsylvania law.

    While individual members might have standing if they were caused harm by the sheriff’s office, he said, the injuries they alleged were “not immediate or substantial,” and their complaint was based in part on speculation about what might happen.

    ACLU of Pennsylvania attorney Stephen Loney, who helped lead the court fight, said Wednesday that he disagreed with the decision.

    “In the most respectful way I could possibly say it, I think the judge got it totally wrong,” he said. “It’s unfortunate.”

    He said the ACLU would appeal the decision.

    ICE officials did not immediately offer comment.

    Melanie Goldstein holds a sign as demonstrators rally outside the Bucks County Administration building before a hearing last month during which the ACLU and other organizations sought an injunction to stop the Bucks County sheriff from going through with his plan to help ICE enforce immigration laws.

    Laura Rose, an organizer with Indivisible Bucks County, said the group was “deeply disappointed in Judge Trauger’s decision” to let Harran proceed “without guardrails.”

    She called the ruling “a profound failure to protect both the immigrants and taxpayers of Bucks County.”

    Rose called on voters to end the local alliance with ICE by voting Harran out of office on Nov. 4.

    Harran’s lawyer, Wally Zimolong, called the decision “a victory for the rule of law and for the safety of Bucks County residents,” and accused the ACLU of maligning the sheriff with false claims.

    “Frankly,” he said, “it is mind-boggling that anyone would oppose this. It is also a vindication for Sheriff Harran, a good and honorable man and dedicated public servant. … It is a proud day when people of good character, like Sheriff Harran, prevail over those that lack it.”

    In the spring, Harran and ICE officials signed what is called a 287(g) agreement, a controversial program named for a section of a 1996 immigration law. It enables local police to undergo ICE training, then assist the agency in identifying, arresting, and deporting immigrants.

    The number of police agencies participating in the program has soared to more than 1,000 under President Donald Trump. Seven states, including New Jersey and Delaware, bar the agreements by law or policy.

    Shortly before the government shutdown, ICE was poised to begin backing its recruitment efforts with money, announcing that it would reimburse cooperating police agencies for costs that previously had been borne by local departments and taxpayers.

    Harran, who is seeking reelection in November, has pledged “zero cost” to local taxpayers.

    He insists the alliance with ICE will prevent crime and keep people safe. Civil rights groups say the sheriff is inviting racial profiling, taxpayer liability, and a loss of trust between police and citizens.

    Bucks County’s sheriff Fred Harran, outside the courthouse in Doylestown, PA, June 9, 2025.

    Contentious legal hearings have come against a backdrop of name-calling and rancor outside the courtroom.

    The Democratic-led Bucks County Board of Commissioners has disavowed Harran’s actions, voting 2-1, with the lone Republican opposed, to approve a resolution that declared the agreement with ICE “is not an appropriate use of Bucks County taxpayer resources.”

    The ICE issue has become central to Democrats’ effort to oust Harran, a Republican, while the sheriff says his intentions have been misconstrued by political opponents and the news media.

    “A judge ruling that he has the authority to enter into this deportation agreement does not make this any less dangerous,” Harran’s Democratic opponent, Danny Ceisler, said in a statement Wednesday.

    The last opportunity to end the partnership, Ceisler said, is by winning the election next month.

    A key issue has been the difference between what Harran says he intends to do and the much broader powers conferred within the agreement with ICE.

    Harran signed up for the “Task Force Model,” the most far-reaching of the three types of 287(g) agreements. It allows local police to challenge people on the streets about their immigration status and arrest them for violations.

    Harran said his officers won’t do that.

    Wednesday’s ruling, Harran said, recognized the limited scope of his plans, and he suggested that every county should partner with ICE.

    “I’m only interested in making the county safer, and I’m only interested in dealing with those folks that are in this country illegally that have committed crimes,” Harran said. “I am not the immigration police. I am not Immigration and Customs Enforcement.”

    Harran has said staff will electronically check the immigration status of people who have contact with the sheriff’s office because of alleged criminal offenses. Those found to be in the country illegally will be turned over or transported to ICE, if the federal agency desires, he said.

    Harran testified in court last month that he planned to create a sheriff’s office policy to specify the limits of his deputies’ powers but had not yet done so.

    He insisted that his office would take only the actions he has described.

    “We will not be stopping people to ask them on immigration status,” he said under cross-examination. “I know what I am doing, and that’s all I intend to do.”

    This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.

  • Plan to turn Pennhurst site into massive data center outrages neighbors

    Plan to turn Pennhurst site into massive data center outrages neighbors

    Megan Heiken recently bought a home near the former Pennhurst State School and Hospital, once a center for people with developmental disabilities that now operates as a popular haunted Halloween attraction.

    A new plan to convert Pennhurst into a massive data center has outraged and mobilized local residents, as well as people in neighboring communities in an area known for rolling hills, farms, and an overall rural character.

    Heiken launched an online petition urging her Chester County neighbors and East Vincent Township officials to “work together toward a solution that preserves the Pennhurst property, honors its history, and protects the environment and quality of life for all who live, work and visit here.”

    The petition had 1,825 signatures as of Friday.

    “I made this move to be out in an area with more space, more nature,” Heiken said. “The fact that the owner just wants to plow it over and swap in a data center is kind of alarming.”

    Her sentiments are widely shared. The board of supervisors and planning commission in East Vincent have hosted public meetings on the issue that stretched for hours as residents from Spring City to Pottstown voiced objections.

    Data centers require a large-scale way of cooling computing equipment and are often dependent on water to do that. The amount of water they use can be about the same as an average large office building, although a few require substantially more, according to a recent report from Virginia, which has become a data center hub.

    Steve Hacker, of East Vincent, told the board that his well had already gone dry, as has his neighbor’s, even before a data center has been built. He’s concerned about where the data center would get its water.

    The pushback comes as both President Donald Trump and Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro champion data center development. Trump aims to fast-track data centers and exempt them from some environmental regulations. Shapiro promotes a 10-year plan that includes cutting regulatory “red tape.”

    State legislators and local governments are scrambling to rewrite local laws as most have no local zoning to accommodate data centers or regulate them.

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    1.3 million square feet

    Pennhurst‘s owner has not yet filed a formal application to develop the site, but an engineering firm has submitted a sketch of a preliminary plan to East Vincent Township to develop 125 acres for use as a data center.

    The land is owned by Pennhurst Holdings LLC, whose principal is Derek Strine.

    Strine deferred comment to a spokesperson, Kevin Feeley.

    “Pennhurst AI is aware of the concerns expressed by the residents of East Vincent Township, and we are committed to working through the Township to address them,” Feeley wrote in an email. “What we propose is a facility that would be among the first of its kind in the United States: a state-of-the-art data center project that would address environmental concerns while also providing significant economic investment, jobs, and tax rateables as well as other benefits that would directly address the needs of the community.”

    Feeley said Pennhurst AI plans to continue “working cooperatively with the Township.”

    The sketch calls for five, two-story data center buildings, a sixth building, an electrical substation, and a solar field. Together, the buildings to house data operations would total more than 1.3 million square feet.

    The plan states that a data center is an allowable use within the Pennhurst property because the land is zoned for industrial, mixed-use development. Township officials have agreed a data center would be allowed under that zoning.

    The grounds are bordered by Pennhurst Road to the west. The Schuylkill lies down a steep gorge to the east and north. The property is near the border of Spring City, which is just to the south.

    A view of the entrance to the Halloween attraction at the former Pennhurst State School and Hospital grounds in East Vincent Township, Chester County.

    What’s Pennhurst?

    Pennhurst State School and Hospital, known today as Pennhurst Asylum for its Halloween attraction, has had a long and troubled history. It opened in 1908 to house individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities. It became severely overcrowded by the time it closed in 1987.

    A 1968 documentary Suffer the Little Children highlighted abusive and neglectful practices, and resulted in legal actions and a landmark disability rights ruling in 1978 that declared conditions as “cruel and unusual punishment.”

    The last patient left Pennhurst in 1987, and the facility sat abandoned until it was purchased in 2008 and converted into a Halloween attraction despite protests from various advocacy groups.

    The Halloween attraction has continued and operators say it shows sensitivity toward those once housed at Pennhurst. Separately, visitors can take historical tours of the exteriors of 16 buildings and learn about people who lived and worked there. The site also has a small Pennhurst history museum.

    A view of the vacant buildings on the former Pennhurst State School and Hospital grounds in East Vincent Township, Chester County.

    Contentious meetings

    In recent months, East Vincent officials have raced to draft an ordinance that would govern data centers by limiting building heights, mandating buffers, requiring lighting, noting the amount of trees that can be cut down, and other restrictions.

    At two contentious meetings in September, residents and the board of supervisors argued about the draft ordinance’s specifics. Residents said the ordinance did not incorporate some community-suggested safeguards aimed at preserving the township’s rural character.

    Residents asked how much water the data center would consume, how much power it would need, and how much noise it would generate.

    Pennhurst’s zoning was changed in 2012 from allowing only residential development to permitting industrial and mixed-use buildings. Township Solicitor Joe Clement told residents that it is difficult for the municipality to argue that a data center would not fit within that zone.

    “If there’s a use that is covered by the zoning ordinance, we can’t stop that use,” board vice chair Mark Brancato explained at a Sept. 18 meeting.

    Officials said the draft ordinance was not specifically aimed at the Pennhurst site but was meant to broadly govern any data centers proposed in the township.

    What we’re trying to do is to come up with a set of reasonable guidelines, guardrails, and conditions in the new zoning ordinance that will … provide as much protection as we possibly can for the residents,” Brancato said. ”We are committed to protecting and preserving the rural character of the township.”

    Township meetings, some of which have lasted hours, have been marked by raised voices and emotional appeals.

    “Our whole community is kind of anxious about the thought of this new data center,” Gabrielle Gehron, of Spring City, said during one meeting. “I’m confused about whether we are or not doing something to prevent that from happening.”

    Pa. State Rep. Paul Friel, and State Sen. Katie Muth, both Democrats from East Vincent, have spoken at meetings. Muth noted that Strine received a $10 million grant and loan package from the state in 2017 to prepare the site for “a large distribution facility” and other industrial structures, new office development, and the renovation of six existing buildings for additional commercial use, amid ample open space, according to a funding request provided by the governor’s office.

    Muth fears Strine is paving a path to clear the data center for development and sell the property — after benefiting from tax dollars.

    “These are not good things to live next to,” Muth said of data centers.

    The board tabled the draft ordinance on Sept. 22 after receiving legal advice that they still had time to incorporate more residents’ concerns.

    Beyond Pennhurst

    Other municipalities in Pennsylvania face a similar issue: Most don’t have existing zoning for data centers. However, state law mandates that municipalities must provide zoning for all uses of land — just as state and federal officials are ramping up plans to embrace the centers.

    Plymouth Township is dealing with pressure as Brian J. O’Neill, a Main Line developer, wants to turn the Cleveland-Cliffs steel mill into a 2 million-square-foot data center that would span 10 existing buildings. The Plymouth Township Planning Commission voted against the project given resident backlash. The plan goes to the zoning board later this month.

    And Covington and Clifton Townships in Lackawanna County in the Poconos are also dealing with zoning issues and widespread opposition regarding a plan to build a data center on 1,000 acres.

  • U.S.-Venezuela prisoner swap is a chilling reminder of Trump’s scorn for the rule of law | Editorial

    U.S.-Venezuela prisoner swap is a chilling reminder of Trump’s scorn for the rule of law | Editorial

    On July 18, more than 250 Venezuelan immigrants held since March in a Salvadoran prison at the behest of the Trump administration were released in a prisoner swap for 10 U.S. citizens and permanent residents jailed by the Venezuelan government.

    For the men and their families, it could not have been a more joyous moment. It had been months since they last heard from their loved ones, not knowing if they were alive or dead.

    For the respective governments involved, it was also a time to crow.

    After all, it was President Donald Trump’s “leadership and commitment to the American people” that freed the imprisoned Americans. Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro called it a “perfect day” for his country, and blame for the “kidnapped Venezuelan migrants” was put on his opponents “on the Venezuelan right.”

    Even self-described “world’s coolest dictator” (and apparently America’s next top jailer), Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele, got a little self-love in, boasting on X of the “months of negotiations with a tyrannical regime” that El Salvador had engaged in to help get the Americans home.

    Well, bully for authoritarianism.

    For the rest of us — for those who believe in the rule of law and still hold out hope for the American Experiment — July 18 may be remembered as a dark day.

    Unless the administration is held accountable for the blatantly illegal way it upended these immigrants’ lives, the episode will mark a new low in America’s slide toward illiberal democracy under President Trump.

    As prisoners stand looking out from a cell, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem speaks during a tour of the Terrorist Confinement Center in Tecoluca, El Salvador, in March.

    Undue process

    To be sure, the release of all these men is good news. Most of the freed Americans were wrongfully detained and accused of being involved in plots to destabilize Venezuela.

    Their arrests were part of a transparent, cynical ploy by the Maduro regime to use these men like bargaining chips as the country struggles to get out from under oil sanctions that have contributed to the nation’s deep economic problems.

    The illegal detentions were also par for the course for a government where every branch is controlled by Maduro loyalists, and which routinely jails its own dissidents. (The swap included 80 political prisoners, but there are conflicting reports on whether they have all been released.)

    There is no question that Venezuela’s actions are morally and legally indefensible. But what about America’s?

    The more than 250 Venezuelans who ended up in El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center, known as CECOT, were sent there by the Trump administration on March 15. They were deported with little or no due process under the 1798 Alien Enemies Act, accused of being dangerous criminals and members of the Tren de Aragua gang, which Trump declared a terrorist organization.

    In sending the men to a place notorious for its poor conditions and inhumane treatment of prisoners — in a $6 million deal with El Salvador’s Bukele — the administration called the detainees “the worst of the worst.”

    But reporting by several media organizations quickly put the lie to those claims, with ProPublica finding the government’s own records show that it knew the vast majority of the men had not been convicted of any violent crime in the U.S., and only a few had committed crimes abroad.

    Most of the men were also not very hard to find, as they were either never released from immigration custody while they pursued asylum claims or their cases were moving through the immigration system.

    Take the four Venezuelans identified as having ties to Pennsylvania before they were sent to CECOT.

    Inmates exercise under the watch of prison guards during a press tour of the Terrorism Confinement Center, or CECOT, in Tecololuca, El Salvador, Oct. 12, 2023.

    Joén Manuel Suárez Fuentes, 23, was detained during a traffic stop and charged with driving without a license. Ileis Villegas Freites, 28, had been sentenced to one year of probation for retail theft in Montgomery County.

    Miguel Gregorio Vaamondes Barrios, 32, had a series of shoplifting arrests, including an open theft case in Pennsylvania, and was convicted of petit larceny in Nassau County, N.Y. Luis Jean Pier Gualdrón, 22, had a pending asylum application when he was deported. He had pleaded guilty to harassment in Northampton County, Pa., and was sentenced to three to six months in jail.

    While some may argue that only people of unimpeachable moral character should be welcomed in America — and having a criminal record can disqualify immigrants from being granted legal status — these men were far from the “monsters” and members of a gang who the U.S. Department of Homeland Security said “rape, maim, and murder for sport.”

    And even if they had been charged with being the worst of the worst, under the Constitution, the government still has to prove its case against anyone it seeks to deprive of “life, liberty, or property.”

    In deporting the Venezuelans, the administration acted recklessly and lawlessly, ignoring not only the letter of the law but also directly disregarding an order from U.S. District Judge James Boasberg, barring the government from transferring the men to El Salvador under the Alien Enemies Act.

    That the men are now free — although it is highly likely some have been placed right back in the dangerous situations under an oppressive regime they were fleeing in the first place — does not absolve the Trump administration of wrongdoing.

    Migrants deported months before by the United States to El Salvador under the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown arrive at Simon Bolívar International Airport in Maiquetia, Venezuela, July 18, 2025.

    Test case

    Throughout the entire ordeal, the government has placed itself above the law.

    Seeking to make good on Trump’s promise of mass deportations and tall tales of criminal immigrants running rampant, administration officials engaged in the kind of abuse of power that is un-American on its face.

    The government selected a group of men under suspect criteria, identifying many of them as gang members based on the discredited belief that they had identifying tattoos. It then disappeared them, sending them to a foreign prison known for its brutal conditions, where they were unable to communicate with their families or lawyers.

    To this day, officials have not even released a full list of names of the people they sent to El Salvador. What is publicly available has been cobbled together from families speaking out and media reports. It is unclear if everyone deported has been accounted for.

    The government consistently defied court interventions, claiming that once the men were in El Salvador, they had no direct control over what would happen to them. The prisoner swap makes this particular lie only more blatant.

    Most alarming is that there is nothing stopping them from doing it again — or keeping them from doing it to whomever they want. Already, Trump has mused about sending Americans to El Salvador.

    The homegrowns are next,” he told Bukele during the Salvadoran leader’s April visit to the White House. “You gotta build about five more places. … It’s not big enough.”

    Having already violated the Fifth Amendment guaranteeing due process, it’s not much of a stretch for the administration to ignore the Eighth Amendment’s protection from cruel and unusual punishment.

    America cannot move on from what happened to the Venezuelan immigrants. Their plight cannot be swept away in the flood of scandals and outrages that regularly flow from the White House.

    The Trump administration cannot be allowed to do this to anyone ever again.