Category: Washington Post

  • With airstrike in Nigeria, Trump inserts U.S. into long-running turmoil

    With airstrike in Nigeria, Trump inserts U.S. into long-running turmoil

    Top Nigerian officials said Friday that U.S. attacks in the country on what President Donald Trump called “ISIS Terrorist Scum” could mark the opening salvo in a campaign against militant groups there. But security analysts warned that Trump administration officials appeared to be stepping into a complex, long-running conflict that they may not fully understand.

    Trump has in recent months repeatedly warned that he would intervene in Nigeria — which is afflicted by widespread violence — if the killing of Christians does not stop. He made good on that promise Thursday, announcing “numerous perfect strikes” on Christmas night and promising more if the “slaughter of Christians continues.”

    Western and Nigerian security analysts said the attacks marked the first time in decades that the United States had launched such strikes in Nigeria, a country of more than 230 million people split about equally between Muslims and Christians. The analysts said that violence, particularly by Islamist militants in the north, has sometimes targeted Christians but that Muslims have also been affected.

    Neither Trump nor the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) specified exactly who was killed in the strikes, which both the U.S. and Nigeria’s government said were conducted with the approval of Nigeria’s government. Daniel Bwala, an adviser to Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, said the strikes on Thursday marked only the beginning. Nigerian Foreign Affairs Minister Yusuf Tuggar told Nigerian broadcaster Channels Television that his country provided intelligence to the U.S. for the strikes and that cooperation was ongoing.

    “There will be more, I can assure you of that,” he told the Washington Post in an interview Friday. “This is part of our struggle against insecurity.”

    Trump, as he has done repeatedly in recent months, specifically cited violence against Christians in his Christmas night post on Truth Social, declaring that he had previously warned “these terrorists that if they did not stop the slaughtering of Christians, there would be hell to pay.”

    Bwala said that while Nigeria welcomed the U.S. assistance, the government disputed Trump’s claim that Christians were being disproportionately targeted. Sokoto State, where the strikes took place, is a primarily Muslim area.

    Analysts said the violence in northwest Nigeria is carried out by a combination of Islamist militants and bandits. Much of the violence in Sokoto in recent years, according to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), is attributable to a group called Lakurawa. Some analysts, including those with ACLED, link that group to the Islamic State, while others say Lakurawa is affiliated with the rival al-Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM).

    Analysts said that U.S. officials seem more focused on their preferred narrative in Washington than on the complex reality on the ground.

    “It’s politically convenient,” said Mustapha Alhassan, a security analyst who has worked extensively in northwest Nigeria, referring to Trump’s framing of the strikes. He said that while it is clear there is increasing violence by Lakurawa, the group is more likely linked to al-Qaeda than the Islamic State.

    “Nigerians would welcome the help if it was hitting precise targets,” he said. “But that doesn’t seem to be what is happening. All of this is to what end?”

    James Barnett, a Nigeria specialist based between Lagos and Britain, said that much remains uncertain about the impact of the strikes and the future of military cooperation between the United States and Nigeria.

    “If this is the start of a shift in U.S. policy toward Nigeria, there are a lot of potential challenges and risks, including in terms of how these operations are framed,” he said. “The symbolism of Christmas is hard to miss … there is a clear political angle to it.”

    He said it was significant, though unsurprising, that it was Trump, rather than Nigerian officials, who first announced the strikes. Historically, he noted, Nigeria’s government has not welcomed U.S. strikes because of concerns about the country’s sovereignty.

    In the typically quiet village of Jabo in northwest Nigeria, three residents said in interviews Friday they were left confused by a strike in their area, which they said had not been especially affected by violence.

    “We don’t have any bandits’ camp near our area,” said Sama’ila Mustapha.

    He recounted seeing a light and then hearing a loud bang late on Thursday night. Mustapha said he then followed a crowd of people to an onion field just outside of town near a hospital. He and two other residents said there were no casualties.

    “We thought it’s a missile or an aircraft,” said another resident, Abdulrahman Mainasara. “God was so kind it landed on the outskirts, in an open place.”

  • States invest in child care more than ever to help parents with rising costs

    States invest in child care more than ever to help parents with rising costs

    When Raelyn Scholl returned to work after having a baby, it was with a peace of mind foreign to many parents in the United States: She knew her son had a spot in daycare, and for only $400 a month.

    That’s because Scholl’s employer, a family-owned Missouri pharmacy, runs a daycare for its workers and subsidizes the cost of childcare. It is “a huge blessing” for Scholl, 25, and her husband, who didn’t have to worry about searching for childcare — the average monthly cost of which is more than $1,200 across U.S. metropolitan areas — during the pregnancy.

    Now, more Missouri employers will be able to help their workers pay for childcare thanks to a new state-funded program, approved by lawmakers in May and launched last month. Through the initiative, employers can sign up to offer childcare benefits to workers. The cost is split among the state, parents, and employers, who can claim a tax break.

    In Missouri and elsewhere, a growing acknowledgment of the economic and labor concerns related to childcare has fueled political momentum for state-backed initiatives to help parents and providers. Lawmakers in about two dozen states passed new childcare programs this year, often backed by business leaders concerned with recruiting and retaining workers.

    Scholl’s boss in southeastern Missouri, Abe Funk, is among the business owners who argue that childcare is important for a healthy economy. Funk, who is one of the first employers taking part in the new state program, believes that others who sign up will see the same outcome he did when he began footing part of his workers’ childcare bill: better employee retention, happier families and more workers in the labor force.

    “A lack of childcare impacts every aspect of the economy,” said Funk, who owns John’s Pharmacy in Cape Girardeau with his wife, Emily, and has five children. “Think of how many people want to work and can’t because they can’t afford childcare. … If they can get childcare, then they can get off the sidelines.”

    Across the nation, rising childcare costs and a shortage of spots are squeezing families and pushing parents, especially mothers, out of the workforce. Meanwhile, providers struggle with low wages and high operating costs. Congress allocates some money to childcare annually, but advocates say a much greater investment is needed to solve the system’s problems, and federal cuts to Medicaid and other programs are poised to squeeze state budgets further.

    Tens of thousands of children are on voucher waiting lists in states such as Florida and Texas, and other states have frozen such programs. Providers have also shut down: In more than half of states, fewer childcare programs were running in 2024 compared with 2023, according to an analysis by the Century Foundation, a progressive think tank. In Indiana, 10,000 spots are projected to be lost to closures by August, according to one estimate.

    That has presented a “mixed bag” for states when it comes to childcare funding — some are in crisis while others are innovating, said Anne Hedgepeth, senior vice president of policy and research at childcare Aware, a national nonprofit.

    Though state-level initiatives are limited in scope and cannot fix the nation’s shortage of 4 million childcare spots alone, advocates hope the programs will prompt future investment.

    At least 11 states this year allocated millions to subsidy or voucher programs that give families money to pay for childcare. Others approved funding aimed at helping childcare operators, increasing the number of available spots, creating new funding streams for childcare or establishing public-private partnerships such as Missouri’s cost-sharing program.

    A $100 million project announced this month in New York will build and expand childcare facilities, aiming to create thousands of new spots. Wisconsin will use $110 million for payments to help childcare providers stay in business, while Oklahoma lawmakers created a subsidy program for childcare employees. New Mexico became the first U.S. state to enact universal childcare, using state oil and gas revenue as funding.

    “We have seen more states invest their own dollars in childcare over the last five years than ever before,” said Julie Kashen, a senior fellow at the Century Foundation. “We have seen it in red, blue, and purple states. That’s a big deal.”

    Momentum around the issue began to mount in the late 2010s, and the strain on the childcare system during the pandemic brought further attention to the need for reform, said Sarah Rittling, executive director of the First Five Years Fund, a national nonprofit. Now, “as we’re having these conversations about cost and affordability” in American life, she said, “you can’t get away from the role childcare plays in that.”

    In Ohio, an understanding of childcare as an economic issue and interest from business leaders and chambers of commerce have represented a big win, said Kara Wente, director of the Ohio Department of Children and Youth.

    Researchers there found in a May report that the state economy loses $5.48 billion per year because insufficient childcare coverage is keeping parents out of the labor force. In a 2024 statewide survey, 49% of parents said they had to cut back their work hours because of a lack of childcare, and 61% of nonworking mothers with children 5 or younger said they would work if they had access to high-quality, affordable childcare.

    “That really resonates when employers are struggling to find enough individuals to fill their positions,” Wente said. “It really changed the conversation, and we’ve had a lot of employers and chambers come to the table.”

    The legislature approved funding for a cost-sharing program, similar to Missouri’s, which is now in the process of starting up. State Republicans, touting the program launch, said supporting working families will help businesses retain employees.

    That perspective was also at work in Montana, where lawmakers this spring succeeded in adding a childcare component to an infrastructure bill. The state will use a budget surplus to seed a childcare trust with $10 million, which will grow with interest. The governor this month named an advisory board that will determine how to use the funds.

    State Sen. Laura Smith (D), who pushed for the legislation, said she saw the bill’s approval as a reflection of the growing understanding of the issue, particularly as Montana businesses suffer from an unstable workforce. As she talked to Senate colleagues about childcare “as an infrastructure issue,” she said it was “one of the first times in the last seven years” that the idea resonated.

    “I think the quiet work that caregivers do is becoming more visible,” she said. “It’s become more of a crisis and it’s touching more people — including legislators and their families.”

    In Missouri, Funk said he didn’t understand the impact of childcare on the economy until he saw it firsthand at the pharmacy. Only 3% of the state’s counties have enough childcare for infants and toddlers, meaning almost the entire state is considered a “desert” — for every spot available, there are more than three infants or toddlers who could need one.

    The cost-sharing initiative was created out of two years of meetings with communities and data analysis led by Kids Win Missouri, a nonprofit. Its success leaned heavily on collaboration between business leaders, chambers of commerce and childcare advocates, plus support from the governor, Republican Mike Kehoe, said Robin Phillips, chief executive of childcare Aware of Missouri, an early-childhood education nonprofit that is helping launch the program.

    The program uses a sliding scale based on workers’ incomes, with the employer and state pots covering the remaining costs for each enrolled child. Employers have an additional incentive to participate since a tax credit that Congress expanded this year will reimburse a larger chunk of their costs.

    Demand for the program, called childcare Works, has already outpaced the capacity of about 287 seats allowed by the $2.5 million in funding allocated by the state, said Brian Schmidt, executive director of Kids Win Missouri. Within the next month, the first employers that have signed up are slated to start offering the benefit, Schmidt said. He and other proponents hope that the program will grow over time, particularly if it becomes popular with employers, and that it could be a model for other states.

    “It’s really exciting,” Schmidt said. “It’s really cool to see something come to fruition.”

  • Where does Taylor Swift go from here?

    Where does Taylor Swift go from here?

    Even as Taylor Swift racked up every accolade during her early music career, she received the message loud and clear: Show business has little use for women above a certain age.

    At 22, she wrote Nothing New about her fear of aging into irrelevancy, imagining a radiant 17-year-old ingenue ready to take her place. Seven years later, Swift expanded on these anxieties in her Miss Americana documentary. “Women in entertainment are discarded in an elephant graveyard by the time they’re 35,” she said, bemoaning the culture’s impossible standards for maturing women. The pop superstar figured her time was almost up.

    “As I’m reaching 30, I’m like, ‘I want to work really hard while society is still tolerating me being successful,’” she told the camera.

    Now, just turned 36, Swift has released The End of an Era on Disney+, a six-part docuseries that chronicled the behind-the-scenes of her 2023-2024 Eras Tour. Between glimpses of the intensive effort that it took to stage 149 sold-out stadium shows across the world, Swift and her colleagues offered theories about how and why it became the highest-grossing tour in history, breaking records and boosting local economies whenever it visited a new city. At one point, Swift put it in the context of her legacy as an artist, saying that the tour “will live on as probably the pinnacle, foremost important thing that I’ve done” — and again zeroed in on ageism.

    “I get very depressed about pop culture’s obsession with youth culture, and [how] we designate extremely young people to be the ones who have to tell us where culture is going,” Swift says in the final episode, which was released Tuesday. “And then the idea that an artist had, in my case, the privilege of developing to the point where you’re in your 30s and you do know yourself a bit more and then you were able to make the thing that they’ll know you for: There’s something very special about that.”

    Although showbiz has plenty of stars well past their 30s still producing relevant work, it’s no surprise that Swift internalized the lessons as she saw female pop stars getting older and subsequently mocked for the way they look or torn apart by the internet for myriad reasons.

    But Swift is now in a rarefied spot as she embarks on the third decade of her career, having just closed the books on her self-described peak. And it seems like the astronomical success of the tour, an anomaly that even took her by surprise, may have soothed some of those fears. Because Swift has made it very clear over the last several months: She’s not going anywhere.

    This messaging started in earnest this fall while promoting her 12th album, The Life of a Showgirl, which she announced on her fiancé Travis Kelce’s podcast. Unlike her other recent album releases, Swift hit the TV and radio promotional circuit, sitting down with more than a dozen interviewers in America and the United Kingdom. On BBC Radio 2, host Scott Mills noted that some of her fans were concerned that Swift would soon get married and have children and never make an album again.

    Swift looked taken aback. “That’s a shockingly offensive thing to say,” she said, as Mills quickly backtracked and assured her that fans were just panicking. “It’s not why people get married, so that they can quit their job. … I love the person that I am with because he loves what I do and he loves how much I am fulfilled by making art and making music.”

    The singer admitted that she was enjoying a break after two exhausting years of 3½-hour concerts; she recoiled when one host asked if she was planning another tour soon. But she emphasized in interviews that she doesn’t do well when her mind is on autopilot, explaining that she recorded The Life of the Showgirl on her few days off from the tour during summer 2024, when she started to feel like she could perform the show in her sleep and needed something to stimulate the creative part of her brain.

    So this is not someone who is looking to just sit around, even if she feels pressure from society to step aside. Swift communicates as much in the album’s title track, about the surreal challenges of life in the public eye, and sneeringly sings at rivals who she believes wish she would “hurry up and die.”

    “I’m immortal now, baby dolls,” she croons, “I couldn’t if I tried.”

    Recently, during an appearance on The Late Show With Stephen Colbert, she was even more straightforward after the late-night host asked her who she could possibly turn to for career advice. Swift named Fleetwood Mac legend Stevie Nicks and her longtime collaborator, producer Max Martin, and then talked about how she admires people who are constantly evolving.

    “I think there are certain corners of our society that really love that and look up to longevity. There’s also corners that are like, ‘Give someone else a turn. Can’t you just go away so we can talk about how good you were?!’” Swift said. “And I’m like — I don’t want to.”

    It’s possible Swift was calling out the criticism she’s received in the wake of The Life of a Showgirl, which sold 4 million copies in its first week, shattering records to become the highest-selling album debut since the invention of sales tracking technology. But factions of the internet weren’t pleased that she partially achieved that record by selling quite a few variants of physical CDs, digital versions, and vinyl, some arguing that completist fans buying multiple versions to reflect every format unfairly inflate her numbers. Even her loyal fandom broke out in contentious debates over the quality of the album, which earned mixed reviews from critics, with some Swifties disappointed by what they saw as less-than-introspective songwriting.

    The singer seemed to address this during an Apple Music interview, telling Zane Lowe that she welcomed the “chaos” of the initial reactions to the record, and she respected people’s “subjective opinions on art.” Plus, she pointed out, at least people were talking about her.

    “The rule of show business is if it’s the first week of my album release and you are saying either my name or my album title, you’re helping,” she said.

    Swift has made no secret that she takes criticism about her music to heart, and that she used to let it guide her instincts about her music. Now, after seeing the heights she could achieve — even as (gasp!) a 30-something woman — it appears that she might be ready to start letting all that go. During one radio interview, in which the host fretted that he offended her years ago with a joke about her sweaty appearance after a concert on a hot day, she reassured him that she’s more secure than that.

    “People don’t need to bubble wrap me in their minds as much as they do,” Swift said. “I’m a pretty tough broad.”

    Swift may have to take even more in stride next year, given that she will almost surely dominate global news with her upcoming wedding to Kelce. While she has repeatedly maintained on this press tour that she doesn’t check social media, her immense stardom means that she can’t escape knowing what people think about her. Near the conclusion of the End of an Era docuseries, she argued that the phenomenal success of the tour also reflected how she happened to fit into the culture at the time. Luck, in other words.

    “There’s times, these very rare instances, where you make something and the wind is at your back,” Swift said. “Somehow culture and timing, and whatever mood there is out in the world about you that you can’t control, all lines up for this to go well.”

    The film ends on a very deliberate message. After a sequence of text recapping recent milestones and measures of Swift’s achievements comes a final one:

    “On October 3, 2025 Taylor released her 12th studio album The Life of a Showgirl, the biggest album of her career.”

    After a pause, two more words:

    “To date.”

  • Inside Instagram’s all-out battle to win the nation’s teens

    Inside Instagram’s all-out battle to win the nation’s teens

    Two weeks after dozens of state attorneys general sued Meta for allegedly getting adolescents addicted to its platforms and jeopardizing their safety, Instagram head Adam Mosseri posted an internal memo pushing his employees to pursue one overarching goal: bring more teens to Instagram.

    “As you are building out your 2024 plans, I’m asking that the business teams stay laser focused on 1) teens, particularly in developed markets and 2) Threads, and in that order,” Mosseri wrote in the Nov. 6, 2023, memo.

    Mosseri’s memo is part of a multiyear plan by Meta, which owns Instagram, to bring more teens onto the photo-sharing app and increase their activity there, according to internal documents written between 2023 and 2025 and viewed by the Washington Post. They show that Instagram staffers considered the mandate to boost teen metrics their top goal last year. It ranked even above efforts to build out Threads, its breakout text-based social media rival to X, formerly known as Twitter.

    Outwardly, Meta executives projected confidence in the success of its social media apps, presenting statistics year after year depicting overall user growth. But behind the scenes, the internal documents show, Instagram has waged an aggressive campaign to win back teenagers it was losing to competitors, rolling out a mix of internal initiatives, marketing campaigns and product changes aimed at boosting the app’s appeal to younger users. By late 2023, Meta had set ambitious goals for Instagram, the documents show: to halt a yearslong slide among teen users in developed markets, including key places in North America and Europe, by the end of 2024 and to make the app the world’s largest platform for teens by 2027.

    To foster teen user growth, Instagram deployed a range of tactics both inside and outside the company. Meta installed what it called a “living museum” in its offices to help employees internalize the lifestyles of their teenage targets. In at least one case it featured photos of top teen hangout places — a fast-food restaurant and a mall — and instructions on how to take wacky, teen-style selfies, according to photos of the exhibit. The company directed staff to boost teen-friendly influencers, adjust Instagram’s algorithm to make it easier for new teen users to find people they know, and invest in paid marketing that highlighted the app’s role in helping teens connect with friends, the documents show.

    As the company executed its campaign to win the loyalty of younger users, it was defending itself against a mounting number of lawsuits alleging its social media apps — in particular Instagram — were harmful to teens. The company had been under scrutiny since at least 2021, when a Wall Street Journal report detailed internal research showing that Instagram worsened body issues for some teen girls. In 2023, lawsuits by 41 states and D.C. alleged Meta exploited young users for profit including by issuing changes to keep them on the site at the expense of their well-being, violating consumer protection laws.

    Meta leaders rolled out a suite of safeguards to address the criticism, including new restrictions on content for younger users and heftier parental controls. They pushed teens to make use of a tool that would nudge them to take a break if they were spending long periods scrolling and started blocking strangers from messaging teens on Instagram and Facebook. The shifts have not dissuaded some critics of the platforms potential harms.

    “Instagram enjoyed this status as being both tremendously popular but also sort of charmed and kind of cool,” said Max Willens, a principal analyst with the analytics firm eMarketer. “It’s safe to say that that charmed period is over and what’s left instead is a lot of scrutiny — a kind of pervasive sense that their product is maybe not that good for young people.”

    Meta did not dispute the details of its campaign to reach young users, but it rejects any implication that these initiatives “[stand] in contrast to our well-documented safety efforts,” company spokesman Ryan Daniels said in a statement. “We’ve released features like Teen Accounts and revamped them to be inspired by 13+ movie ratings — despite the fact this resulted in lower teen usage — because it’s the right thing to do for teens and parents.”

    Meta promoted safety tools including its 2024 debut of Teen Accounts, a suite of settings for adolescent users that impose tougher restrictions on their interactions with other users and the content they view on Instagram, while giving parents more visibility and control over their online activity. Meta bought advertisements and paid digital personalities and celebrities such as Jessica Alba to tout the new tools to their fanbases. Company leaders also promoted the tools at in-person “Screen Smart” events for parenting and family influencers and in interviews with journalists at mainstream news outlets.

    “We’ve really decided that parents should be our North Star,” Instagram’s Mosseri told Good Morning America last year. “They’ve been clear on what they are most concerned about and we’re trying to proactively address those concerns.”

    The internal documents portray a company intent on reengineering Instagram to stem its faltering appeal among teens — including boosting their messaging activity on the platform — and to set up an early pipeline for lifelong use of Meta’s platforms.

    As it rolled out new safety features, Instagram had a good reason to push hard to win back teens. After rising during pandemic-era lockdowns, by 2023 early teen sign ups Instagram had dropped by 20 to 30%, according to a research report from that year obtained in a separate trove of internal documents.

    Instagram struggled to retain teens, in part, because they had difficulty finding friends there, according to the report, though social connection was supposed to drive their interest. Instagram also failed to produce the kind of sticky, trendy content from influencers that drew in teens, according to the internal documents.

    “Teens don’t use IG because they don’t have compelling reasons to use it over competitors,” the 2023 report offered as one of several hypotheses.

    Meta’s approach to reaching teens has often evolved based on its competitors’ activities, said Sam Saliba, a former global brand marketing lead for Instagram. After the messaging app Snapchat took off among teens, Instagram launched Stories in 2016 to offer users similar ephemeral photos and videos. Four years later, it launched Reels, a short-form video feature designed to compete for younger users against TikTok.

    Getting teens onto Instagram, Saliba said, was seen as a means to introduce them to Meta’s other social media products.

    “If they might start with Instagram or even Messenger Kids, and then maybe they graduate from college and then they’ll set up a Facebook account,” he said. “The idea was to have [different] services … depending on where people are in their life cycle.”

    The temporary museums the company installed at some of its U.S. offices were meant to familiarize employees with teens’ cultural tastes and illustrate what life is like for adolescents all over the world, according to a person familiar with the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private company matters. One version showcased the typical schedule of a teen in different countries, and the top 15 Instagram accounts teens were most likely to share, according to photos viewed by the Post.

    It also asked employees to “roll a die” to choose a selfie style to take of themselves and post to an internal messaging group called “IG Teen Empathy Week,” the photos show. The options included a “0.5 Selfie,” in which teens set the camera to an ultra wide lens to take a distorted photo, an extremely close up shot, “uglycore,” in which teens made a “goofy/funny/‘ugly’ face” and an upside down or sideways photo “just cuz,” according to the photos.

    ‘A lot needs to go right’

    By late 2023, Instagram knew it had a problem with teens. The number of them using the platform every day in developed markets had dropped 3.9% and the number of monthly active teen users had dropped 8.4% in just one year, according to a November 2023 strategy document.

    “A lot needs to go right to reach our stretch goal,” the document stated, referring to its objective of halting these declines by the end of 2024.

    To reverse the losses, Instagram leaders settled on five major goals for the first half of 2024: growth fundamentals, recommendations, Threads, friend sharing, and creators. Success for all but one of those goals, Threads, would be measured by how it affected teens’ use of Instagram, documents show.

    “We expect all Instagram teams to take on teen metric goals or ask that teams take bigger swings to get teens talking about Instagram,” senior Instagram leaders wrote in a memo in September 2023.

    By then, Instagram already had some success engaging teens with “Notes,” short text messages on top of users’ profile pictures that disappear after 24 hours. But Instagram leaders surmised the company would need two or three more product wins to reverse the decline in teen users by the end of 2024, according to the memo.

    They shifted the company’s marketing budget to show teens how “Instagram provides small moments that lead to big friendships,” according to a late 2023 strategy document. Instagram also planned to improve friend recommendations, having pinpointed “early friending” as the strongest predictor of retaining new teen accounts and that 60% of teen users didn’t friend anyone on their first day on the app. They planned to more prominently show users content from their most important friends.

    But they also needed to improve Instagram’s content, which sometimes featured trends a week or two after they surfaced on TikTok, according to the 2023 strategy document. Teens still named either TikTok or YouTube as their “preferred app for entertainment,” it noted. In response, Meta planned to improve its ranking system to distribute posts from creators producing “great content” faster, and use artificial intelligence to let creators better engage with fans in comments and direct messages, according to the strategy document.

    “We believe we mitigate a substantial portion of teen decline if we make our core growth levers as effective as competitors (e.g. YouTube and TikTok),” the document said.

    The company’s internal studies, some of which were later turned over to Congress, informed these strategies.

    One June 2023 study highlighted that Gen Z and Gen Alpha adolescents were less inclined to share about their lives to their broad personal networks. Though people often share different sides of themselves to different groups, on social media those networks “collapse” into one place, the study said, leading young people to reject the pressure to share. These teens found people who shared too much were “cringey,” “messy,” or “vain,” according to the study.

    In December 2023, researchers identified four categories of teen who had not yet joined the site. “Social expanders” were teens willing to connect with acquaintances and who enjoyed mainstream interests such as music, sports, and school gossip, while “private pals” had mainstream interests but a small group of friends.

    “Subculture seekers” were driven by niche interests, including more unconventional topics such as cosplay. By contrast, “virtual hobbyists” spend time alone or with one or two friends and have niche interests such as insects, world building games, and flight simulators.

    Researchers decided that the teens that fell into the “social expanders” or “private pals” — who made up 55% of younger teens in the United States who had never joined Instagram — were the easiest groups to reach.

    By June 2024, the company was still behind on its goals. Only 20% of teens who didn’t use Instagram considered joining the social network, and many teens still associated the app with the “pressure to be perfect,” according to a different strategy document from that month.

    That month, Instagram leaders promoted a new plan for the second half on the year, expanding on the strategies it developed earlier in the year. The platform’s employees brainstormed new product launches that might appeal to teens, including giving users the ability to leave notes for their friends on more surfaces “so that watching Reels feels like hanging out,” as the document put it. The app also planned to incubate a new “friend map” to expand teens’ ability to share social media posts with their personal network, according to the document.

    The company’s long-term goals were ambitious, according to a mid-2024 strategy document. By 2026, it wanted teens to prefer Instagram over TikTok in the United States and globally; by 2027, it wanted Instagram to become “the largest teen platform” around the world.

    Despite these efforts, documents show that the company concluded the number of teens using Instagram had declined compared to 2024, and this spring said it would also start tracking young adults to “evaluate a shift toward young adults in 2026.”

    Still, the company continues to promote Instagram as a safe app for teens, and one their parents can trust. In October, Mosseri went on Today to discuss the company’s application of PG-13 movie rating standards to Teen Accounts. When asked whether Instagram prioritized keeping teen users engaged over keeping them safe, Mosseri defended Instagram’s approach.

    “Our responsibility,” he said, “is to maximize positive experiences and minimize negative experiences.”

  • Hundreds of residents signed up for FEMA buyouts after Helene. Not one has been approved.

    Hundreds of residents signed up for FEMA buyouts after Helene. Not one has been approved.

    FAIRVIEW, North Carolina — A dusting of December snow had turned the mountains around her white, but Elizabeth Clark barely had time to notice.

    It had been 438 days since Hurricane Helene’s floodwaters wrecked her home’s foundation, inundated the first floor, destroyed the septic system and swallowed their belongings. Her mortgage company agreed to pause her payments for a year, but now seemed to be losing patience over the $270,000 she still owed on a house no longer safe to live in.

    “I’ve never missed a payment in my whole life,” said Clark, a neonatal nurse at a nearby hospital. “Here now, at 42 years old, I’m having to consider foreclosing.”

    In November 2024, Clark was among the first storm victims in her county to apply for a voluntary program funded by the Federal Emergency Management Agency that would enable the government to buy out her property.

    Not only can qualified homeowners get the pre-storm value of their house — and the chance to move on with their lives — but the program is meant to help at-risk communities reduce future disaster losses by getting the most vulnerable structures permanently out of harm’s way.

    After the storm, Clark and her husband, Calvin, spent weeks living in a hotel, before renting a home from friends for eight months. Finally, they moved nearly an hour away to a small house in Waynesville, N.C., that they had been leasing to tenants. It feels cramped with their three school-aged children, and each day brings hours on the road to return to the community where their kids go to school, play sports, and visit grandparents. The loss of renters has been another financial hit.

    Meanwhile, more than 13 months after applying for a buyout, Clark has heard almost nothing definitive.

    She is hardly the only one enduring another winter of uncertainty.

    More than 800 storm victims around Helene-battered western North Carolina have applied under FEMA’s Hazard Mitigation Grant Program. State officials vetted applications and began sending them up the chain to FEMA as far back as February. As of Dec. 15, they had sent nearly 600 buyout requests to Washington, with more likely to follow.

    So far, they say, not a single approval has come through.

    North Carolina Gov. Josh Stein has called the paralysis “absolutely unacceptable,” and has pushed for answers. Earlier this month, he wrote to FEMA’s acting administrator, detailing the startling number of applications that “remain without a final decision.”

    “Further delay of these approvals,” he wrote, “keeps communities and families in limbo, in some cases paying expenses on homes they cannot live in while they await word from FEMA.”

    FEMA did not comment on questions about the program.

    The situation is just one element of the sprawling and ongoing recovery, and of the palpable frustration in western North Carolina — especially given promises by President Donald Trump during a visit early this year, where he vowed to “slash through every bureaucratic barrier” and insisted that “every single inch of every property will be fully rebuilt, greater and more beautiful than it was before.”

    For homeowners such as Clark, the not knowing has become all-consuming.

    “The uncertainty has taken a heavy toll — financially, emotionally, and on my family’s sense of security,” she wrote to Stein in one August letter. “It is heartbreaking to think that, after surviving a disaster, we may lose everything because of timelines and red tape that are beyond our control.”

    Months later, she feels much the same.

    “There’s so little information,” she said. “Nobody really has any answers. We are just sitting here, waiting.”

    ‘That hope is dwindling’

    Rob Moore, who has long studied flooding risks and disaster policy for the Natural Resources Defense Council, said buyouts under FEMA’s hazard mitigation program have been an important tool for decades.

    When it works as intended, voluntary buyouts allow homeowners to receive the predisaster value for their homes so that they can relocate and start over. The program can help communities reduce overall flood risk and better prepare for future calamities, as part of the deal is that properties acquired by the government are turned into open space.

    In a 2019 study, Moore and a colleague reviewed nearly 30 years of FEMA data on buyouts — including speaking with former owners of some of the more than 43,000 properties the agency had acquired since the 1980s. Those acquisitions have taken place in 49 states and several U.S. territories, the report said.

    In short, they found that the program played a critical role in the wake of disasters, and is likely to become only more vital as rising seas and escalating flood risks displace more Americans.

    But one issue has been a constant: Buyouts are complex, and hardly ever happen quickly.

    “Under the best of circumstances, these things take more time than they should. But these are clearly not the best of circumstances,” said Moore, referring to deep staffing cuts at FEMA this year and the uncertainty about the agency’s future and its mission.

    The 2019 study found that it takes a median of about five years between a flooding disaster and the completion of a FEMA-funded buyout project. FEMA has said almost 80% of acquisitions are approved in less than two years, and 93% are approved in under three years.

    “While every buyout project is different, one thing is clear: long wait times make buyouts less accessible, less equitable, and less effective for disaster mitigation and climate adaptation,” the researchers wrote.

    Moore thinks something deeper than the normal lag times could be at play in North Carolina, where many county and state officials moved quickly to open up applications for homeowners interested in potential buyouts.

    “Typically, communities are so focused on cleaning up and recovering that they don’t even think about other risk reduction activities until a year goes by,” he said.

    But in North Carolina after Helene, many localities moved much quicker.

    Leaders in Buncombe County, home to Asheville and other municipalities, were among the local officials who tried to speed up the process in hopes of getting help to qualified residents sooner. The county began taking applications for buyouts in January, barely three months after the storm.

    “We were hoping that because we started earlier, that we would see buyouts already started and/or reconstruction already started, but we haven’t seen that,” said Avril Pinder, Buncombe’s county manager.

    Pinder said local FEMA representatives have worked tirelessly since the storm hit, and that the region would be in much worse shape without their help over the past year. Indeed, hundreds of millions of dollars have poured in from the agency for a range of recovery programs, with much more expected.

    The reality is that local governments continue to wait for large sums in federal reimbursements for debris cleanup and other projects. Roads still need repair. Renters and homeowners remain displaced. Certainly for those storm victims still awaiting a buyout, it has been a season of silence and stress.

    “What we are hearing is, ‘What do we do now? How do we pay for this, as well as [another] place to live?’” Pinder said. “There is hope, but that hope is dwindling because it’s been a year now that they’ve applied for this, and they’re still carrying a mortgage or rent someplace else. And they’re trying to move ahead with their lives.”

    Carey and Steve Hayo, whose home just outside Hendersonville was devoured by a landslide during Helene, are among those struggling to move ahead.

    The couple was fortunate to be out of town when a wall of mud and debris came screaming down a mountainside, knocking their home, a guesthouse and a garage clean off their foundations. But the disaster swallowed most of their life’s investment and virtually all their belongings. A pile of rubble is all that remains.

    The Hayos no longer had a mortgage, but also have no clear way of recouping their losses, as insurance doesn’t cover landslides. They are living in their third place since Helene. Both in their 70s, they are in counseling for trauma. Many weeks have passed in a blur of phone calls to insurers, bankers and lawyers, local officials, and FEMA.

    “It’s like a bad nightmare,” Carey Hayo said of the experience. As signs of recovery unfold around them, they feel stuck. “You get hopeful, and then you don’t hear anything … There’s just no information.”

    More than a year has passed since the couple applied for a buyout through the federal hazard mitigation program. But as with everyone else who did the same, that prospect remains uncertain. Recently, the couple spoke at a Henderson County commission meeting, pushing local officials to help secure funding — and answers.

    “We’re just frustrated,” Steve Hayo told panel. “This doesn’t seem to have an end. And that’s what we are searching for.”

    ‘Unfinished business’

    For their part, North Carolina officials insist they are doing all they can.

    The state has overseen hundreds of millions of dollars in hazard mitigation across multiple disasters beginning with Hurricane Floyd in 1999, and prides itself on ensuring that each hazard mitigation application “meets or exceeds federal guidelines,” said Justin Graney, a spokesperson for N.C. Emergency Management.

    “North Carolina is unfortunately no stranger to disasters and has become a national leader in the hazard mitigation space,” Graney said, saying the state “is not a novice” when it comes to implementing such projects as buyouts and elevations. In addition, he said, the state “moved at a rapid pace” after Helene to process applications from affected homeowners.

    Graney said officials had worked with FEMA to resolve issues with a small number of buyout applications where portions of the property might be needed for nearby road reconstruction or repair projects, which are subject to review by another agency. But he said the vast majority of applications under review should not be impacted by such issues, and that the state is confident it had addressed concerns “with projects caught in this federal quagmire.”

    Don Campbell, chief of staff to North Carolina’s emergency manager, recently told members of a state task force on Helene recovery that overall, officials had been given little guidance from FEMA on why no buyouts had been approved since Helene.

    “We understand that many of those applications are sitting on the desk of the secretary of homeland security,” Campbell said, adding that state and local officials are acutely aware of the real-world implications for homeowners struggling to hang on in the meantime.

    Matt Calabria, the head of the Governor’s Recovery Office for Western North Carolina, said there is reason for cautious optimism. The state received notice shortly after the first anniversary of Helene that it will be eligible for up to about $1.5 billion in hazard mitigation funding, depending on the size and number of qualified projects.

    But those dollars are not guaranteed, and changes in criteria have made it tougher for some projects to qualify, he said. Either way, nothing is likely to happen as quickly as anyone would like.

    “The folks who are seeking buyouts, in a lot of cases, have been displaced from their homes. They are in some cases paying mortgages on damaged or destroyed homes,” Calabria said. “And so, these delays are very acutely felt by so many of these families.”

    Unlike some other FEMA programs that are reimbursement-based, buyouts require an up-front approval from the agency, Calabria said.

    “That’s why we are seeking word from FEMA, so that we can begin proceeding with these projects,” he said. “These delays have been outsized, and we know that for hundreds of families, this is going to make a tremendous difference. So, we continue to push every day.”

    In Fairview, Elizabeth Clark is wrestling with what to do when the next mortgage payment comes due.

    “At this point, we have decided we are not going to pay a dime on a house we can’t even live in,” at least until she has clarity about whether FEMA is likely to approve a buyout, she said.

    Clark worries about losing the home, which sits within sight of her parents’ house, to foreclosure. She worries about wrecking her credit. But, she said, “We had to spend so much money replacing things. We don’t have money to throw away.”

    A 45-minute drive to the south, Carey and Steve Hayo are also fighting against cynicism and weariness as they figure out what comes next. On a cold December afternoon, they returned once more to the place that gave them more than a decade of happy memories.

    The garden where they once lovingly tended to vegetables. The rooms where they welcomed family and friends. The hillsides blanketed in rhododendrons.

    “People would drive up and say, ‘You live in paradise,’” Carey said.

    “It was a nice little oasis,” said Steve, looking out over the heap of twisted metal and glass and insulation buried amid a sea of mud and fallen trees.

    Whether a federal buyout ultimately comes through has significant financial implications for the couple, of course. But it is clear they are seeking something more than just a check. They crave closure.

    “It’s unfinished business,” Carey Hayo said. “It’s like if your mother died and you couldn’t bury her. You can’t complete the mourning.

    “That’s what this is: mourning.”

  • New science points to 4 distinct types of autism

    New science points to 4 distinct types of autism

    When Marc and Cristina Easton’s son was diagnosed with autism at 20 months, the Baltimore couple left the doctor’s appointment in confusion. Their toddler — who was very social — didn’t resemble the picture of the condition they thought they knew. And the specialists could offer little clarity about why or what lay ahead.

    It wasn’t until four years after their child’s diagnosis that the Eastons finally began to get answers that offered them a glimmer of understanding. This summer, a team from Princeton and the Flatiron Institute released a paper showing evidence for four distinct autism phenotypes, each defined by its own constellation of behaviors and genetic traits. The dense, data-heavy paper was published with little fanfare. But to the Eastons, who are among the thousands of families who volunteered their medical information for the study, the findings felt seismic.

    “This idea that we’re seeing not one but many stories of autism made a lot of sense to me,” Cristina said.

    For decades, autism has been described as a spectrum — an elastic term that stretches from nonverbal children to adults with doctorates. Beneath that vast range lies a shared pattern of social communication and behavioral differences, long resistant to neat explanations.

    Now, advances in brain imaging, genetics and computational science are revealing discreet biological subtypes. The discoveries could one day lead to more accurate diagnoses and treatments — raising profound questions about whether autism should be seen as something to cure or as an essential facet of human diversity.

    There are a few high-impact mutations that alone appear to lead to autism. But researchers now suspect that the majority of cases arise from a subtler genetic architecture — common variants scattered throughout the population that, in certain combinations and under certain environmental conditions, can alter development.

    And while recent public discourse has been clouded by misinformation about the role vaccines play in autism, Tylenol and what factors cause the condition, the new analysis is gradually illuminating the science of autism’s beginnings. It suggests that some children may have genetic mutations when they’re born that activate at different times in life — a reflection of varying paths that emerge at different moments.

    Natalie Sauerwald is one of the lead authors of the subtypes study and a computational biologist at the Flatiron Institute, part of the Simons Foundation, which funds scientific research. She compared earlier autism research to assembling a jigsaw puzzle, only to find that the pieces didn’t quite fit — not because the image was unclear but because “the box had always contained several puzzles, shuffled together.”

    There isn’t just one autism, Sauerwald said: “There are many autisms.”

    Genetic roots

    Pinning down who counts as autistic has always been complicated. The condition manifests in an extraordinary range of ways — across genders, abilities, and life experiences — defying any single definition. Boys are far more likely to receive a diagnosis than girls, though many researchers suspect that girls are frequently overlooked because their symptoms may appear less disruptive or more easily masked.

    In recent years, as diagnostic criteria have broadened, the number of people identified as having autism has risen sharply. Most of the growth has been in those who have more mild symptoms as opposed to those who are profoundly impacted and have minimal or no language or have an intellectual disability, according to Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data. About 1 in 150 children were diagnosed with autism in 2000 in U.S. communities examined by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; by 2022, that figure had climbed to 1 in 31. The increase may look staggering, but many experts say it reflects not an epidemic of autism itself but a greater understanding of its many forms — and a society becoming more attuned to recognizing them.

    A computational biologist, Sauerwald’s lifework has been about studying genes and their relationship with human health. She had previously published research on COVID-19 and cancer, but she had read a lot about how the significant variability of autism made it so difficult to treat and reached out to researchers at Princeton.

    When Sauerwald began analyzing the autism database managed by the Simons Foundation, a science nonprofit, and housing information on over 5,000 children, she expected the results to be messy. The spectrum spans such a wide range that she assumed the categories would blur together, like overlapping circles in a Venn diagram. Instead, the data resolved into four groups with their own genetic and behavioral signatures.

    “That level of distinctiveness was really surprising,” she said.

    The work published in July in Nature Genetics detailed the four categories.

    Broadly affected

    The smallest group — about 10 percent of participants — faced the steepest challenges, marked by developmental delays, difficulties with communication and social interaction, and repetitive behaviors that touched nearly every part of life.

    Mixed autism with developmental delay

    Roughly 19% showed early developmental delays but few signs of anxiety, depression, or disruptive behavior. Researchers call this group “mixed” because its members vary widely in how strongly they display social or repetitive behaviors.

    Moderate challenges

    About a third of participants fell into this group, showing the hallmark traits of autism — social and communication differences and repetitive habits — but in subtler ways and without developmental delays.

    Social and/or behavioral

    The largest group, around 37%, met early developmental milestones on time yet often grappled with other conditions later on, including ADHD, anxiety, depression, or obsessive-compulsive disorder.

    One of Sauerwald’s co-authors, Olga Troyanskaya, director of Princeton Precision Health, said she was stunned that in the social and/or behavioral group, individuals tended to be diagnosed later — 6 to 8 years of age — whereas most children exhibit noticeable symptoms before the age of 3 and are diagnosed at that time.

    The new analysis study showed the delay may stem from genetic mutations that are present when a child is born — but activate later in life.

    “To me, this was the most fascinating part,” Troyanskaya said. “We’ve always thought of autism as a disorder of fetal development — but that may be true only for some children.”

    That breakthrough idea was given another boost in October when a second study — published in Nature by an entirely different team using separate data — arrived at essentially the same conclusion: Genetically distinct forms of autism may unfold on different life timelines. The new analysis, based on data from the United States, Europe, and Australia, suggested that children diagnosed after age 6 carried distinct genetic profiles and that their form of autism looked strikingly different from the early-childhood type — less like a developmental delay and more akin to conditions such as depression, ADHD, or post-traumatic stress disorder.

    “These findings provide further support for the hypothesis that the umbrella term ‘autism’ describes multiple phenomena with differing [causes], developmental trajectories, and correlations with mental-health conditions,” the authors wrote.

    Tracing outside forces

    Understanding that autism may encompass multiple distinct conditions naturally leads to another question: What, exactly, drives these differences at the biological level?

    In totality, hundreds of genetic mutations have been identified as being linked to autism.

    Roughly half appear to be inherited — but the rest arise spontaneously, and it is these that are perhaps the most mysterious. These mutations come from random copying errors in DNA or from outside influences. The list of suspects impacting autism is long: air pollution, paternal age, maternal diabetes, prenatal infections — all supported by some evidence, though none yet definitive.

    Sauerwald and Troyanskaya’s work illuminates the genetic blueprint of autism. But genes don’t act in isolation. Across laboratories, scientists are probing external forces, particularly the prenatal environment, to find out what might nudge those genes to switch on or off.

    That curiosity has, at times, collided with politics. In recent months, scientists have been baffled by the Trump administration’s decision to single out Tylenol use in pregnancy as a possible cause. “There are other exposures with similarly not very strong statistical associations,” said Catherine Lord, a professor of psychiatry at UCLA and one of the field’s foremost experts, referring to work on SSRI antidepressants, fever, heavy metals, and other possible prenatal and environmental associations. “Across these studies, the effect sizes are small.”

    Zeyan Liew, an environmental epidemiologist at Yale, has spent years studying PFAS, also knows as “forever chemicals,” the synthetic compounds used in products like Teflon that now pervade food and drinking water. His National Institutes of Health-funded research, drawing on data from millions of children across three European countries, found no direct link between maternal PFAS levels and autism diagnoses. But the data hinted at something subtler: Children whose mothers had higher exposure tended to show more social and behavioral difficulties — hyperactivity, anxiety, trouble forming friendships.

    “It shows that a mother’s PFAS level is correlated with a child’s social developmental functioning,” Liew said. The chemicals, he suspects, may act on the developing brain, disrupt hormonal balance or trigger oxidative stress — “unwanted biological interference,” he said, “during a period of rapid brain development.”

    David Mandell, a professor of psychiatry at the University of Pennsylvania and part of a newly funded NIH team, is developing a predictive model to examine a wider range of exposures: medications, air quality, access to green space, the built environment. The goal, he said, is to understand not just which factors matter, but when. Timing may prove decisive. He pointed to the infamous case of thalidomide, a morning-sickness drug withdrawn in the 1960s after causing birth defects. Autism risk rose only among women who took it between the 20th and 24th day after conception.

    “We need to look in detail at what specific part of pregnancy,” Mandell said.

    A brain wired differently

    If multiple types of autism arise from the interplay of genetics and environment, then the brain is the place where those varied influences converge and become visible.

    One promising but still early line of research centers on biochemical pathways in the brain: In some children, autoantibodies appear to block folate transport into the brain, and early trials of leucovorin, a form of vitamin B, suggest it may restore function in some cases. The findings are preliminary, but this is the medication the Trump administration fast-tracked for approval in September.

    While that work points to chemistry at the molecular level, another line of inquiry looks at the brain’s architecture itself. Two decades ago, scientists noticed that some young children with autism had brains that grew unusually fast in infancy. The overgrowth, often linked to more severe symptoms, seemed to reach across regions responsible for both higher reasoning and basic sensory perception — the midbrain, hippocampus, parahippocampal gyrus, superior temporal gyrus and beyond.

    The newest insights into autism have less to do with differences in brain regions but rather the connections that link them.

    For decades, Yale researcher James McPartland has been peering into people’s brains, searching for clues about autism. His work has involved painstakingly cataloguing scans and measuring subtle changes over time. Then, a few years ago, a pattern emerged.

    Adults with autism, McPartland noticed, seemed to have fewer synapses — the tiny junctions where nerve cells exchange information — than their neurotypical peers. And within the autism group, those with the sparsest connections often struggled most with the social demands of daily life. The findings were presented this year at the American Neuropsychiatric Association’s annual conference.

    “We saw a very strong correlation between synaptic density and the kinds of challenges people faced,” McPartland, director of the Center for Brain and Mind Health at the Yale School of Medicine, said. “We were very excited.”

    Ellis

    The Eastons’ autism journey began in 2021.

    Both Marc (who works in quality assurance in New York City) and Cristina (at the time a teacher) were still working from home following the pandemic closures, and they noticed little things that seemed off about their son Ellis.

    Marc, now 55, observed that Ellis no longer repeated words the way he once did, and Cristina, now 42, found herself puzzled by the way he played. When she set out bowls of quinoa and lentils, hoping he’d scoop or pour, he would only sprinkle.

    Ellis’s parents didn’t think much of the referral for a developmental evaluation — until it came back as autism. A diagnosis relies on behavioral checklists, not scans or lab tests, and on criteria many clinicians see as vague.

    Now 6 years old, Ellis is a nonspeaking kindergartner who communicates through music. When he’s been upset and is calm again, he sings a melody from a Batwheels clip. When he wants fruit, there’s a fruit salad song he hums and a weather song when he wants to go outside. He’s also a Taylor Swift fan, and each of her songs is associated with an emotion or want.

    The diagnostic shorthand — calling someone profoundly affected, or assigning a “Level 1, 2 or 3” label based on support needs — feels too blunt to them. Cristina worries that the familiar linear framing of autism, from mild to severe, often becomes “a way to write people off.” The couple has seen how hard it is to categorize people who defy simple descriptions such as an adult who is academically gifted but struggles to tie their shoes.

    Participants in Sauerwald’s research study haven’t been given individual results, but the Eastons say they have been debating what category Ellis falls into, hoping it will illuminate the roots of his diagnosis and hint at the trajectory ahead.

    “When you have a child like ours, your natural inclination is to reverse time and look at your childhood and entire family tree and every experience,” to try to figure out what might have led to the diagnosis, Cristina said.

    Cristina believes Ellis belongs to the “broadly affected” category — his delayed milestones and trouble communicating fit that profile. Marc, though, sees him in the mixed group, where symptoms are milder and more variable, because he is able to communicate his needs outside of speech. Still, both parents agree that the study’s new framework captures a complexity long missing from the way autism is typically described.

    “It’s dangerous to put people into boxes based on what they appear to do,” Cristina said. “That’s why this new study feels so promising — it sees people with the complexity as they actually are.”

  • Trump’s farmer bailout caps tough year for loyal constituency

    Trump’s farmer bailout caps tough year for loyal constituency

    Mike Phillips has spent the past year reconciling his vote for Donald Trump with the uncertain future of his farm in central Iowa.

    The 72-year-old has been farming for five decades and tills 2,000 acres of soybeans and corn. Trump’s tough talk on trade has always appealed to Phillips, who thinks China’s relationship with American farmers desperately needs a reset. He voted for Trump in each of the past three presidential elections. He believes in GOP farming policies because “we’ve been burned so bad by the Democrats.”

    But the tariff war Trump started has been eating into Phillips’s bottom line and clouding his decisions about the best path forward. Thirteen months after Trump won a second term with wide support in farm-dependent parts of the country, Phillips wonders what will come first: Trump’s promised farm resurgence or his own retirement.

    “For the most part, farmers — we’ve been willing to kind of go along. But I don’t know about now,” Phillips said. “I know [Trump is] a more practical person. He’s trying to do something. I’m not sure the tariffs were a good idea. I guess I still support him but hope he can get something done.”

    Trump announced this month that he will use $11 billion to bail out farmers from “trade market disruptions and increased production costs that are still impacting farmers.” For farmers, trade groups, and industry advocates, however, the bailout marked a tacit admission that a year’s worth of Trump policies have upended their industry and threatened their livelihoods. Still unclear is whether policies that have hurt farmers will also sour the relationship between the president and one of his most loyal and politically symbolic constituencies.

    Trump won farm-dependent counties with an average of nearly 78% of the vote in 2024, according to Investigate Midwest. Discouraged by rising inflation during Joe Biden’s presidency, farmers hoped a second Trump term would usher in a more favorable climate, said Chad Hart, an agricultural economics professor at Iowa State University.

    But Trump’s far-reaching tariffs on imports — and reciprocal levies against some U.S. products — have blunted those hopes. Tariffs on countries including Canada and China, and on specific goods such as steel and aluminum, translated into rising costs for tractors, combines, and fertilizer. Even more damaging for Phillips and farmers like him was the escalating trade war with China, a country American soybean producers have relied on to import the bulk of their crops. Reciprocal tariffs swelled well into the triple digits.

    At the same time, Chinese leaders have worked to reduce their country’s reliance on American soybeans. China accounted for half — about $12.6 billion — of all U.S. soybean exports in 2024. In September, the country did not import American soybeans at all.

    “For soybean farmers, market losses due to the ongoing trade conflict with China are only exacerbating financial problems,” Caleb Ragland, the president of the American Soybean Association, said during testimony before Congress in October. He pointed to estimates that soybean producers would lose $109 per acre on their crops this year. “It is likely that a quarter of U.S. soy production will need to find new customers.”

    Aaron Lehman, a fifth-generation farmer who grows soybeans, corn, oats, and hay in Iowa’s Polk County and heads the Iowa Farmers Union, said farmers have “a big dissatisfaction with how this has gone.”

    “What we’re seeing right now is we’ve broken all of the trade structures without a real plan to put it back together in the right way,” Lehman said. “Farmers are willing to be a part of the solution, but I don’t think they’re willing just to be a pawn in a trade war that has no path or plan to get to true reform. That’s the disappointing part, because we’re not getting close to a fairer path.”

    For some farmers, the White House aid package may come too late. About 181 farmers filed for bankruptcy protection in the first half of the year, the Washington Post reported in October, a 60% increase from 2024. It was the highest six-month reading since 2020, court records show. And some of the shifts may be permanent, Phillips and other soybean farmers fear. Chinese importers have strengthened relationships with crop competitors like Argentina, Uruguay, Russia, and especially Brazil, the world’s largest exporter of soybeans.

    “The hope for a quick turnaround is now gone,” said Hart, the economics professor. “If you’re holding out hope, that hope is now, at best, looking like it won’t come until a year to three years down the road.”

    Sen. Chuck Grassley (R., Iowa) said farmers in his home state are experiencing a “not-so-perfect storm” of low grain prices, high input costs, industry consolidation and tariff uncertainty that mirrors the tumult of the 1980s, when more than 900 farmers killed themselves across six Midwestern states during what was dubbed the worst agricultural economic crisis since the Great Depression.

    “It kind of crept up on us at that particular time,” he said. “And, Congress didn’t see it coming soon enough. Congress waited too long to act.”

    During a roundtable announcing the package, Trump blamed the agricultural tumult on inflation linked to Biden — an assertion that industry leaders said is true. But Trump also said that “a small portion of the hundreds of billions of dollars we receive in tariffs” is helping to pay for the relief, a statement that many in the industry question.

    Trump did not appear to be concerned about his standing with U.S. farmers.

    “And, as you know, the farmers like me, because you know, based on — based on voting trends, you could call it voting trends or anything else, but they’re great people. They’re the backbone of our country,” Trump said.

    He seemed confident that his supporters in agriculture would blame Biden, not him, for their woes.

    “Biden turned that surplus into a gaping agricultural deficit that continues to this day, but we’re knocking it down,” Trump said. “It’s starting to go very good. In fact, China, as you know, is buying a tremendous amount of soybeans.” Trump did not say that China’s soybean imports have actually fallen.

    The economic policies that have put farmers in dire straits have been bipartisan in nature, said Tom Adam, the president of the Iowa Soybean Association. Inflation ate into crop profits in the latter portion of Biden’s tenure and has continued, he said, but tariffs have tacked on additional harm.

    “Expenses have been very high. Things just keep going up. Everything is getting higher, I don’t care if you’re buying groceries or buying fertilizers, and we just don’t have increasing crop prices,” he said. “We were pretty certain that there would be reciprocal tariffs when this happened. I think farmers support a lot of the things that Trump is doing on tariffs. But at the same time it’s getting pretty painful.”

    Adam said the aid is helpful, but “it’s probably not going to be enough. It’s not going to make a farmer wealthy by any means. And there will be some farms that may not make it through. Everyone’s in a little different financial situation, but you can’t rescue everyone. I’ve heard from many that are saying this could be their last year. Whether it’s bankruptcy or whether they want to just try something else.”

    Modern farms historically have relied on government assistance to stay afloat. The legislation Trump has called the One Big Beautiful Bill locked in more than $65 billion over 10 years in agricultural support programs. And during his first term, Trump released $16 billion in aid to farmers amid Chinese retaliation for tariffs. Corn and soybean advocacy groups have long pushed for policies that would force or encourage ethanol use in gasoline to increase demand for the two products.

    Speaking from his farm on a blustery December day, a few months before another round of difficult decisions about how to eke out the most profit from his land, Phillips said he’s also trying to determine how much of the promised government relief might end up in his pockets — even though he knows it won’t be there for long.

    “That money is not to the farmers. That money is going to go to their bankers or their machinery dealers or their chemical [fertilizer] companies to pay them,” he said.

    He said he understands the infusion is meant as a bridge to a better day, but he would prefer smarter trade policies over a government handout.

  • Want a younger, healthier brain? This type of exercise can help.

    Want a younger, healthier brain? This type of exercise can help.

    If you need another reason to visit the gym this winter, a new study of almost 1,200 healthy, middle-aged men and women found that those with more muscle mass tended to have younger brains than those with less muscle.

    The findings, which were presented in Chicago this month at the annual meeting of the Radiological Society of North America, add to growing evidence that building and maintaining muscle mass as we age could be key to building and maintaining brain health, too.

    The researchers also found that those with high levels of deep belly fat had older brains, raising questions about the potentially negative effects of some types of body fat on the brain and how important it may be to combine weight training with weight loss, if we would like our brains to stay youthful.

    Why exercise is good for brains

    The idea that exercise is good for our brains is hardly new. Past studies in rodents have shown that after exercise, the animals’ brains teem with a neurochemical called brain-derived neurotrophic factor, or BDNF. Sometimes referred to as “Miracle-Gro for the brain,” BDNF helps spark the creation of new neurons. So it’s not surprising that after exercise, mouse and rat brains typically sprout two or three times as many new brain cells as the brains of sedentary animals. The exercising animals also ace rodent intelligence tests.

    People who exercise also show large increases in BDNF in their bloodstreams afterward.

    Other studies have shown that as few as 25 minutes a week of walking, cycling, swimming, or similar exercise can be strongly linked to greater brain volume in older people, while taking as few as 3,000 steps a day helps slow cognitive decline in people at high risk for Alzheimer’s disease.

    But most of this research involved aerobic exercise and the brain effects of endurance. Fewer studies have looked at the role of muscle mass. Many questions also remain about the role of body fat on brain health, especially the deep, interior fat around our bellies known as visceral fat, which can increase inflammation throughout the body, including, potentially, in the brain.

    Is your brain young or old?

    For the new study, scientists at Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis and other institutions decided to look deep inside people’s body tissues and brains with magnetic resonance imaging.

    They turned to existing whole-body scans of 1,164 healthy men and women in their 40s, 50s, or early 60s. “To understand dementia risk, we’ve got to focus on midlife,” said Cyrus Raji, an associate professor of radiology and neurology at Washington University School of Medicine and the study’s senior author. It’s in middle age that we typically start to develop — or avoid — most of the common risk factors for later dementia, he said, making it a critical time period to study.

    The scientists used artificial intelligence to analyze the scans and determine people’s total muscle mass and body fat. The body fat was characterized as either visceral or subcutaneous, a different type of fat found just beneath our skin.

    The researchers figured out the apparent age of people’s brains using algorithms based on scans of tens of thousands of other brains. These provided benchmarks of typical brain structure and volume for someone of any age. People’s brains could either match the benchmarks for their chronological age, or look like those of people younger or older. Older-looking brains face heightened risks for early cognitive decline.

    More muscle means younger brains

    The researchers found that the amounts of people’s muscle mass and their visceral fat were both strongly linked to their apparent brain age, though in opposing ways.

    “The larger the muscle bulk, the younger-looking the brain,” Raji said. “And the more visceral fat that was present, the older-looking the brain.” People whose ratio of visceral fat to muscle mass was especially high — meaning they had a relatively large level of visceral fat and low muscle mass — tended to have the oldest-looking brains. (Subcutaneous fat was not linked to brain age in any way.)

    The study didn’t look at how muscle and fat affect brains, but both tissues release a variety of biochemicals that can travel to the brain and jump-start various processes there, Raji said. The substances from muscles tend to promote the creation and integration of brain cells and neuronal connections; those from visceral fat do the reverse.

    On a practical level, the findings underscore that resistance exercise “is super important” for healthy brain aging, Raji said. Most of us begin losing muscle mass in middle age, but strength training can slow or even reverse that decline.

    Shedding visceral fat is likewise a good idea for our brains, he said. Both aerobic and resistance exercise will target visceral fat. Using weight-loss drugs such as Wegovy and other GLP-1 drugs can also substantially reduce visceral fat. But many people taking the drugs will drop muscle mass, Raji said — unless they also lift weights.

    The study has limitations. It hasn’t been published or peer-reviewed. Because it’s not an experiment, it also can’t show that more muscle and less belly fat cause brains to age more slowly — only that those conditions are all linked to each other.

    But its findings are plausible and align with those of a growing number of other studies, said Fang Yu, director of the Roybal Center for Older Adults Living Alone with Cognitive Decline at Arizona State University in Phoenix. She studies exercise and aging but was not involved with the new study.

    Essentially, the study’s message is simple, actionable and even rhymes: If you want a younger, healthier brain, Raji said, “strength train.”

  • Two vulnerable senators stand to benefit from intense focus on constituents

    Two vulnerable senators stand to benefit from intense focus on constituents

    Justin Juray didn’t know where to turn. His Maine bowling alley had been the site of a mass killing, and he was struggling — not just to reopen, but to cope with his business’s now notorious place in history.

    John Curry was worried about closing his Georgia coffee shop, scrambling to rebound from the coronavirus pandemic and “drowning” financially as he waited for a $126,000 payment from a federal program for keeping his employees on staff.

    In their low moments, they received help from an unexpected source: their United States senator.

    Sens. Susan Collins (R., Maine) and Jon Ossoff (D., Ga.), two of the most vulnerable members of the Senate facing reelection next year, have little in common politically. But both have reputations for providing strong constituent services, an often overlooked advantage afforded incumbents that could matter on the margins in close races.

    Taking requests for help and working out a solution is one of the most unsung practices in most Senate offices, often overshadowed by committee hearings and Senate floor fights in Washington and by campaign rallies and television ads back home. But no work puts voters in more direct contact with their federal representative.

    Collins’ office helped Juray with tax and insurance issues, as well as securing a disaster relief loan, in the wake of what was Maine’s deadliest mass killing ever, where eight people were killed in 2023 at his Lewiston, Maine, bowling alley.

    Ossoff gave Curry his card after an event at the small business owner’s Augusta, Ga., coffee shop in 2023 and told him to call if he “ever needed anything.” When the business faced serious financial difficulties while waiting for funds to cover a string of bills, he emailed the senator for help.

    “He called me the next day,” said Curry. “It was not long at all before I got an email from the IRS saying that I had a check on the way.”

    In separate interviews with the Washington Post, Collins and Ossoff both said they have worked to create a culture in their offices that prioritizes each interaction with people they represent.

    “I know that I have had an impact,” Collins said when asked to reflect on the constituent service work out of her office. “It’s extremely satisfying … when we’re able to solve a problem for an individual.”

    Ossoff said he wants his constituents “to experience a level of responsiveness and accountability and concern that they have never felt before.”

    Asked why all members of Congress don’t focus as heavily on such services, Ossoff said the current culture in politics is “all about attention.”

    “For a lot of people in Congress, their goal is to become more and more and more famous or infamous, find the cameras, post the viral content,” he said. “That’s just not my approach to the job.”

    Both Collins and Ossoff face competitive reelections next year.

    Collins, who has yet to announce a campaign but has said she intends to run for her sixth Senate term, is the only Republican in the state’s congressional delegation and faces an electorate that has voted for every Democratic presidential nominee since 1992.

    But Collins, a relatively moderate Republican, also faces pressure from her right, with more conservative members of her state bristling at the times she bucks her party and President Donald Trump. Maine Gov. Janet Mills announced a Senate campaign in October. The 77-year-old Democrat faces a primary challenge from a more liberal candidate, Graham Platner, a Marine Corps combat veteran and oyster farmer.

    Ossoff, first elected to the Senate in 2020, faces a similarly competitive election in a state that has only recently been in play statewide for Democrats. Trump won in Georgia by two percentage points in 2024. The Republican primary to face Ossoff is competitive, a sign Republicans view him as vulnerable.

    Collins’ six and Ossoff’s four state offices include case workers whose primary focus is helping constituents solve problems. But other staff in the offices — and in Washington, D.C. — regardless of their primary duties, are also expected to pitch in.

    The work has created scenarios in which people who may disagree with Collins and Ossoff on specific issues are willing to back them for reelection because of the personal level of work their offices have done.

    Juray, the bowling alley owner, offers an example.

    Two people from Collins’ office worked with him following the shooting. Juray said they not only cleared up all the questions with his insurance company and the IRS, but they secured him a disaster relief loan that “helped us get everything put back together” so they could reopen in 2024.

    Juray, a registered Democrat, has voted for Collins in the past. While he hasn’t decided who he will vote for next year, he says he is “leaning” toward the Republican incumbent.

    “Without the senators’ support and without them, I might still be waiting on some of this funding,” Juray said. “It changed the way I saw representation as a whole.”

    Chris Gardner, the head of the port authority in Eastport, Maine, was at a loss after watching the town’s historic decades-old breakwater built to protect the city’s harbor “open up like a zipper” and crumble along the rocky coast early one morning in 2014. The collapse put the livelihoods of countless people at risk.

    Before the sun rose, Gardner recalled, Collins called him and promised to do “whatever it takes” to rebuild the critical infrastructure at the nation’s easternmost port. When the breakwater was rebuilt and reopened in 2017, Collins was there with Gardner, celebrating the achievement and the millions of dollars the senator helped secure for the project.

    Gardner is a registered Republican who at times “hasn’t agreed with some of Senator Collins’ votes.” But he said he tells “anyone who will listen” about the role Collins played in rebuilding the breakwater. “God love her, she is hated by people on both sides of the aisle. … The irony is, she weathers all of that … because she stays focused on doing her job.”

    Collins laughed when asked if she thinks her constituent services work helps temper some of the anger directed at her by people who disagree with her politics. She said that often people come up to her at the grocery store and she can tell that they might not be her typical political supporters.

    “I always find that people come up to me because I’m alone,” she said. “I’m doing exactly what they’re doing. And they will come up to me and thank me for the work that my offices have done.”

    Ossoff, who is far newer to the Senate than Collins, is working to build that kind of reputation.

    Shortly after Ossoff joined the Senate in 2021, he invited an executive from a famed Georgia company — Delta Air Lines — to come speak with his staff on “best practices” for his customer service operation, including suggestions that “maybe are not common in the legislative branch or the federal government.”

    The result? Ossoff calls a handful of people who received assistance from his office each week to check in on their experience. And at the end of every constituent call with his office, Ossoff said the caller is asked whether they would “recommend the service that my office provides for someone else in the same situation as them.”

    For Claven Williams, a retired Navy commander, the answer was yes.

    Williams was exposed to Agent Orange during his service in the Pacific from the 1970s to the 1990s and was diagnosed with non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma. After initially approving his claim for disability in 2024 under the newly passed Pact Act, the Department of Veterans Affairs reduced his disability to 50% in 2025, claiming that he was cured of the ailment. That prompted Williams to contact to Ossoff’s office, which successfully worked with the department to restore his 100% benefit earlier this year.

    “I had dealt with other politicians; they didn’t support you like that, they didn’t go out of your way to help you,” recalled Williams, who voted for Ossoff in 2020.

    The casework provided by Ossoff and Collins has drawn praise from those partisans who have opposed their elections.

    “Their constituent services are second to none,” Brian Robinson, a Republican operative in Georgia, said of Ossoff’s staff during an April radio appearance with the senator, praising him for following in the footsteps of former Republican senator Johnny Isakson.

    Bev Uhlenhake, the former chair of the Maine Democratic Party who opposes Collins’ reelection next year, said the reason Collins has proved difficult to defeat in a blue state is “her relationships throughout the state of Maine.”

    “They are so deep because her staff have helped so many Mainers while in crisis,” Uhlenhake said. “Constituent services in Maine are incredibly important, and she has done it really well.”

  • ’Twas the night before Christmas at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago. Here’s what happened.

    ’Twas the night before Christmas at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago. Here’s what happened.

    PALM BEACH, Fla. — ’Twas the night before Christmas, and all through the villa, the president assured children that Santa wasn’t a guerrilla.

    “Santa’s a very good person,” President Donald Trump said on Christmas Eve, during the annual presidential ritual of helping excited little ones track Santa Claus’ location. “We want to make sure he’s not infiltrated — that we’re not infiltrating into our country a bad Santa.”

    This wasn’t exactly what Jasper, 10, from Oklahoma, had wanted to know when he dialed the NORAD Santa Tracker on Wednesday afternoon. He had called to find out where St. Nick and his reindeer were on their nightlong journey circumnavigating the globe, which the hotline “tracks” with the aid of top U.S. military technology.

    But out of the phone Jasper rang came a clatter. It was none other than Trump! Nothing was the matter.

    The president played along, disclosing Santa’s location, which at that moment, he said, was in the Czech Republic. But first, he offered a few choice observations about Jasper’s own.

    “Santa loves Oklahoma like I do,” Trump said. “You know, Oklahoma was very good to me in the election, so I love Oklahoma. Don’t ever leave Oklahoma, OK?”

    “OK,” Jasper replied haltingly. “I’ll try.”

    Such was Christmas Eve at Mar-a-Lago, the president’s private club in Palm Beach. He had spent the morning at his golf course in West Palm Beach, just across the lagoon, and by the afternoon, he was sitting in a gilded chair before a gilded Christmas tree in his gilded living room, the first lady at his side.

    With Melania in her heels and Trump in his tie, the first couple settled down to give Christmas cheer a try. The president took his calls over speakerphone; the first lady took hers murmuring softly into a receiver held closely to her ear: “She’s able to focus totally without listening to this,” Trump said.

    Jasper’s 4-year-old sister, Anastasia, told Trump she wanted a dollhouse for Christmas.

    “I think we can work that out,” Trump replied. “I think Santa’s gonna bring you the most beautiful dollhouse you’ve ever seen.” (Whether the dollhouse would be subject to his administration’s tariffs, Trump didn’t say. He has been much clearer about dolls, saying earlier this year while imposing global tariffs that young girls would be “very happy” with just “two or three or four or five.”)

    Next was Savannah, 8, from North Carolina, who wanted to know if Santa would be mad if she didn’t leave out cookies for him. The president cocked his head and smirked. “This is getting good!” he told reporters.

    “I think he won’t get mad, but I think he’ll be very disappointed,” he counseled Savannah. “You know, Santa’s — he tends to be a little bit on the cherubic side. Do you know what cherubic means? A little on the heavy side. I think Santa would like some cookies.”

    Amelia, 8, from Kansas, told Trump she wasn’t sure what she wanted for Christmas. “Not coal,” she said.

    “Not coal, no, you don’t want coal,” the president agreed. Then he caught himself. “Well, you mean clean, beautiful coal.” He turned to the media. “I had to do that, I’m sorry,” he said.

    “Coal is clean and beautiful,” he told Amelia. “Please remember that, at all costs.”

    Next up came a 5-year-old who proudly informed the president she was from Pennsylvania.

    “Pennsylvania’s great,” Trump said. “We won Pennsylvania — actually, three times,” he continued. (He did not.)

    “This is America,” he said to reporters at one point between calls. The president did not explain what he meant by this.

    His last call was with a pair of sisters, ages 6 and 10, from Tacoma, Wash. One of them told Trump she would like a pinball machine for Christmas.

    “Pinball machine? That’s great.” Trump said. “You know Elton John?” If she did, she did not say. Nor did she point out that The Who, not Elton John, first released “Pinball Wizard.”

    “He did ‘Pinball Wizard,’” the president continued. “We’ll have to send you a copy of ‘Pinball Wizard.’”

    Trump didn’t take any questions from reporters, though there were many questions to ask unrelated to Santa’s whereabouts. What about the latest tranche of the Epstein files, which include wide-ranging references to the president? Or the Supreme Court decision that thwarts his planned National Guard deployment in Chicago? Is Nicolás Maduro on the naughty or nice list?

    Not today — not on Christmas Eve. Couples were arriving in suits and ball gowns; the aroma of roasting meat wafted through the halls. The club’s celebrations were about to begin, and the president was in the holiday spirit. “Show them the festivities,” he instructed his staff, “and then send them home for Christmas dinner.”

    Around 7 p.m., reporters were escorted into the Mar-a-Lago ballroom to take in the teeming dessert platters and his guests’ holiday finest. Trump sat at a table near the center of the room with his wife and father-in-law, cordoned off from his fellow revelers with a velvet rope.

    Two minutes later, the media were whisked away. But we all heard him Truth, ere he retired for the night: “Merry Christmas to all, including the Radical Left Scum that is doing everything possible to destroy our Country, but are failing badly.”