Category: Washington Post

  • Trump’s farmer bailout caps tough year for loyal constituency

    Trump’s farmer bailout caps tough year for loyal constituency

    Mike Phillips has spent the past year reconciling his vote for Donald Trump with the uncertain future of his farm in central Iowa.

    The 72-year-old has been farming for five decades and tills 2,000 acres of soybeans and corn. Trump’s tough talk on trade has always appealed to Phillips, who thinks China’s relationship with American farmers desperately needs a reset. He voted for Trump in each of the past three presidential elections. He believes in GOP farming policies because “we’ve been burned so bad by the Democrats.”

    But the tariff war Trump started has been eating into Phillips’s bottom line and clouding his decisions about the best path forward. Thirteen months after Trump won a second term with wide support in farm-dependent parts of the country, Phillips wonders what will come first: Trump’s promised farm resurgence or his own retirement.

    “For the most part, farmers — we’ve been willing to kind of go along. But I don’t know about now,” Phillips said. “I know [Trump is] a more practical person. He’s trying to do something. I’m not sure the tariffs were a good idea. I guess I still support him but hope he can get something done.”

    Trump announced this month that he will use $11 billion to bail out farmers from “trade market disruptions and increased production costs that are still impacting farmers.” For farmers, trade groups, and industry advocates, however, the bailout marked a tacit admission that a year’s worth of Trump policies have upended their industry and threatened their livelihoods. Still unclear is whether policies that have hurt farmers will also sour the relationship between the president and one of his most loyal and politically symbolic constituencies.

    Trump won farm-dependent counties with an average of nearly 78% of the vote in 2024, according to Investigate Midwest. Discouraged by rising inflation during Joe Biden’s presidency, farmers hoped a second Trump term would usher in a more favorable climate, said Chad Hart, an agricultural economics professor at Iowa State University.

    But Trump’s far-reaching tariffs on imports — and reciprocal levies against some U.S. products — have blunted those hopes. Tariffs on countries including Canada and China, and on specific goods such as steel and aluminum, translated into rising costs for tractors, combines, and fertilizer. Even more damaging for Phillips and farmers like him was the escalating trade war with China, a country American soybean producers have relied on to import the bulk of their crops. Reciprocal tariffs swelled well into the triple digits.

    At the same time, Chinese leaders have worked to reduce their country’s reliance on American soybeans. China accounted for half — about $12.6 billion — of all U.S. soybean exports in 2024. In September, the country did not import American soybeans at all.

    “For soybean farmers, market losses due to the ongoing trade conflict with China are only exacerbating financial problems,” Caleb Ragland, the president of the American Soybean Association, said during testimony before Congress in October. He pointed to estimates that soybean producers would lose $109 per acre on their crops this year. “It is likely that a quarter of U.S. soy production will need to find new customers.”

    Aaron Lehman, a fifth-generation farmer who grows soybeans, corn, oats, and hay in Iowa’s Polk County and heads the Iowa Farmers Union, said farmers have “a big dissatisfaction with how this has gone.”

    “What we’re seeing right now is we’ve broken all of the trade structures without a real plan to put it back together in the right way,” Lehman said. “Farmers are willing to be a part of the solution, but I don’t think they’re willing just to be a pawn in a trade war that has no path or plan to get to true reform. That’s the disappointing part, because we’re not getting close to a fairer path.”

    For some farmers, the White House aid package may come too late. About 181 farmers filed for bankruptcy protection in the first half of the year, the Washington Post reported in October, a 60% increase from 2024. It was the highest six-month reading since 2020, court records show. And some of the shifts may be permanent, Phillips and other soybean farmers fear. Chinese importers have strengthened relationships with crop competitors like Argentina, Uruguay, Russia, and especially Brazil, the world’s largest exporter of soybeans.

    “The hope for a quick turnaround is now gone,” said Hart, the economics professor. “If you’re holding out hope, that hope is now, at best, looking like it won’t come until a year to three years down the road.”

    Sen. Chuck Grassley (R., Iowa) said farmers in his home state are experiencing a “not-so-perfect storm” of low grain prices, high input costs, industry consolidation and tariff uncertainty that mirrors the tumult of the 1980s, when more than 900 farmers killed themselves across six Midwestern states during what was dubbed the worst agricultural economic crisis since the Great Depression.

    “It kind of crept up on us at that particular time,” he said. “And, Congress didn’t see it coming soon enough. Congress waited too long to act.”

    During a roundtable announcing the package, Trump blamed the agricultural tumult on inflation linked to Biden — an assertion that industry leaders said is true. But Trump also said that “a small portion of the hundreds of billions of dollars we receive in tariffs” is helping to pay for the relief, a statement that many in the industry question.

    Trump did not appear to be concerned about his standing with U.S. farmers.

    “And, as you know, the farmers like me, because you know, based on — based on voting trends, you could call it voting trends or anything else, but they’re great people. They’re the backbone of our country,” Trump said.

    He seemed confident that his supporters in agriculture would blame Biden, not him, for their woes.

    “Biden turned that surplus into a gaping agricultural deficit that continues to this day, but we’re knocking it down,” Trump said. “It’s starting to go very good. In fact, China, as you know, is buying a tremendous amount of soybeans.” Trump did not say that China’s soybean imports have actually fallen.

    The economic policies that have put farmers in dire straits have been bipartisan in nature, said Tom Adam, the president of the Iowa Soybean Association. Inflation ate into crop profits in the latter portion of Biden’s tenure and has continued, he said, but tariffs have tacked on additional harm.

    “Expenses have been very high. Things just keep going up. Everything is getting higher, I don’t care if you’re buying groceries or buying fertilizers, and we just don’t have increasing crop prices,” he said. “We were pretty certain that there would be reciprocal tariffs when this happened. I think farmers support a lot of the things that Trump is doing on tariffs. But at the same time it’s getting pretty painful.”

    Adam said the aid is helpful, but “it’s probably not going to be enough. It’s not going to make a farmer wealthy by any means. And there will be some farms that may not make it through. Everyone’s in a little different financial situation, but you can’t rescue everyone. I’ve heard from many that are saying this could be their last year. Whether it’s bankruptcy or whether they want to just try something else.”

    Modern farms historically have relied on government assistance to stay afloat. The legislation Trump has called the One Big Beautiful Bill locked in more than $65 billion over 10 years in agricultural support programs. And during his first term, Trump released $16 billion in aid to farmers amid Chinese retaliation for tariffs. Corn and soybean advocacy groups have long pushed for policies that would force or encourage ethanol use in gasoline to increase demand for the two products.

    Speaking from his farm on a blustery December day, a few months before another round of difficult decisions about how to eke out the most profit from his land, Phillips said he’s also trying to determine how much of the promised government relief might end up in his pockets — even though he knows it won’t be there for long.

    “That money is not to the farmers. That money is going to go to their bankers or their machinery dealers or their chemical [fertilizer] companies to pay them,” he said.

    He said he understands the infusion is meant as a bridge to a better day, but he would prefer smarter trade policies over a government handout.

  • Want a younger, healthier brain? This type of exercise can help.

    Want a younger, healthier brain? This type of exercise can help.

    If you need another reason to visit the gym this winter, a new study of almost 1,200 healthy, middle-aged men and women found that those with more muscle mass tended to have younger brains than those with less muscle.

    The findings, which were presented in Chicago this month at the annual meeting of the Radiological Society of North America, add to growing evidence that building and maintaining muscle mass as we age could be key to building and maintaining brain health, too.

    The researchers also found that those with high levels of deep belly fat had older brains, raising questions about the potentially negative effects of some types of body fat on the brain and how important it may be to combine weight training with weight loss, if we would like our brains to stay youthful.

    Why exercise is good for brains

    The idea that exercise is good for our brains is hardly new. Past studies in rodents have shown that after exercise, the animals’ brains teem with a neurochemical called brain-derived neurotrophic factor, or BDNF. Sometimes referred to as “Miracle-Gro for the brain,” BDNF helps spark the creation of new neurons. So it’s not surprising that after exercise, mouse and rat brains typically sprout two or three times as many new brain cells as the brains of sedentary animals. The exercising animals also ace rodent intelligence tests.

    People who exercise also show large increases in BDNF in their bloodstreams afterward.

    Other studies have shown that as few as 25 minutes a week of walking, cycling, swimming, or similar exercise can be strongly linked to greater brain volume in older people, while taking as few as 3,000 steps a day helps slow cognitive decline in people at high risk for Alzheimer’s disease.

    But most of this research involved aerobic exercise and the brain effects of endurance. Fewer studies have looked at the role of muscle mass. Many questions also remain about the role of body fat on brain health, especially the deep, interior fat around our bellies known as visceral fat, which can increase inflammation throughout the body, including, potentially, in the brain.

    Is your brain young or old?

    For the new study, scientists at Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis and other institutions decided to look deep inside people’s body tissues and brains with magnetic resonance imaging.

    They turned to existing whole-body scans of 1,164 healthy men and women in their 40s, 50s, or early 60s. “To understand dementia risk, we’ve got to focus on midlife,” said Cyrus Raji, an associate professor of radiology and neurology at Washington University School of Medicine and the study’s senior author. It’s in middle age that we typically start to develop — or avoid — most of the common risk factors for later dementia, he said, making it a critical time period to study.

    The scientists used artificial intelligence to analyze the scans and determine people’s total muscle mass and body fat. The body fat was characterized as either visceral or subcutaneous, a different type of fat found just beneath our skin.

    The researchers figured out the apparent age of people’s brains using algorithms based on scans of tens of thousands of other brains. These provided benchmarks of typical brain structure and volume for someone of any age. People’s brains could either match the benchmarks for their chronological age, or look like those of people younger or older. Older-looking brains face heightened risks for early cognitive decline.

    More muscle means younger brains

    The researchers found that the amounts of people’s muscle mass and their visceral fat were both strongly linked to their apparent brain age, though in opposing ways.

    “The larger the muscle bulk, the younger-looking the brain,” Raji said. “And the more visceral fat that was present, the older-looking the brain.” People whose ratio of visceral fat to muscle mass was especially high — meaning they had a relatively large level of visceral fat and low muscle mass — tended to have the oldest-looking brains. (Subcutaneous fat was not linked to brain age in any way.)

    The study didn’t look at how muscle and fat affect brains, but both tissues release a variety of biochemicals that can travel to the brain and jump-start various processes there, Raji said. The substances from muscles tend to promote the creation and integration of brain cells and neuronal connections; those from visceral fat do the reverse.

    On a practical level, the findings underscore that resistance exercise “is super important” for healthy brain aging, Raji said. Most of us begin losing muscle mass in middle age, but strength training can slow or even reverse that decline.

    Shedding visceral fat is likewise a good idea for our brains, he said. Both aerobic and resistance exercise will target visceral fat. Using weight-loss drugs such as Wegovy and other GLP-1 drugs can also substantially reduce visceral fat. But many people taking the drugs will drop muscle mass, Raji said — unless they also lift weights.

    The study has limitations. It hasn’t been published or peer-reviewed. Because it’s not an experiment, it also can’t show that more muscle and less belly fat cause brains to age more slowly — only that those conditions are all linked to each other.

    But its findings are plausible and align with those of a growing number of other studies, said Fang Yu, director of the Roybal Center for Older Adults Living Alone with Cognitive Decline at Arizona State University in Phoenix. She studies exercise and aging but was not involved with the new study.

    Essentially, the study’s message is simple, actionable and even rhymes: If you want a younger, healthier brain, Raji said, “strength train.”

  • Two vulnerable senators stand to benefit from intense focus on constituents

    Two vulnerable senators stand to benefit from intense focus on constituents

    Justin Juray didn’t know where to turn. His Maine bowling alley had been the site of a mass killing, and he was struggling — not just to reopen, but to cope with his business’s now notorious place in history.

    John Curry was worried about closing his Georgia coffee shop, scrambling to rebound from the coronavirus pandemic and “drowning” financially as he waited for a $126,000 payment from a federal program for keeping his employees on staff.

    In their low moments, they received help from an unexpected source: their United States senator.

    Sens. Susan Collins (R., Maine) and Jon Ossoff (D., Ga.), two of the most vulnerable members of the Senate facing reelection next year, have little in common politically. But both have reputations for providing strong constituent services, an often overlooked advantage afforded incumbents that could matter on the margins in close races.

    Taking requests for help and working out a solution is one of the most unsung practices in most Senate offices, often overshadowed by committee hearings and Senate floor fights in Washington and by campaign rallies and television ads back home. But no work puts voters in more direct contact with their federal representative.

    Collins’ office helped Juray with tax and insurance issues, as well as securing a disaster relief loan, in the wake of what was Maine’s deadliest mass killing ever, where eight people were killed in 2023 at his Lewiston, Maine, bowling alley.

    Ossoff gave Curry his card after an event at the small business owner’s Augusta, Ga., coffee shop in 2023 and told him to call if he “ever needed anything.” When the business faced serious financial difficulties while waiting for funds to cover a string of bills, he emailed the senator for help.

    “He called me the next day,” said Curry. “It was not long at all before I got an email from the IRS saying that I had a check on the way.”

    In separate interviews with the Washington Post, Collins and Ossoff both said they have worked to create a culture in their offices that prioritizes each interaction with people they represent.

    “I know that I have had an impact,” Collins said when asked to reflect on the constituent service work out of her office. “It’s extremely satisfying … when we’re able to solve a problem for an individual.”

    Ossoff said he wants his constituents “to experience a level of responsiveness and accountability and concern that they have never felt before.”

    Asked why all members of Congress don’t focus as heavily on such services, Ossoff said the current culture in politics is “all about attention.”

    “For a lot of people in Congress, their goal is to become more and more and more famous or infamous, find the cameras, post the viral content,” he said. “That’s just not my approach to the job.”

    Both Collins and Ossoff face competitive reelections next year.

    Collins, who has yet to announce a campaign but has said she intends to run for her sixth Senate term, is the only Republican in the state’s congressional delegation and faces an electorate that has voted for every Democratic presidential nominee since 1992.

    But Collins, a relatively moderate Republican, also faces pressure from her right, with more conservative members of her state bristling at the times she bucks her party and President Donald Trump. Maine Gov. Janet Mills announced a Senate campaign in October. The 77-year-old Democrat faces a primary challenge from a more liberal candidate, Graham Platner, a Marine Corps combat veteran and oyster farmer.

    Ossoff, first elected to the Senate in 2020, faces a similarly competitive election in a state that has only recently been in play statewide for Democrats. Trump won in Georgia by two percentage points in 2024. The Republican primary to face Ossoff is competitive, a sign Republicans view him as vulnerable.

    Collins’ six and Ossoff’s four state offices include case workers whose primary focus is helping constituents solve problems. But other staff in the offices — and in Washington, D.C. — regardless of their primary duties, are also expected to pitch in.

    The work has created scenarios in which people who may disagree with Collins and Ossoff on specific issues are willing to back them for reelection because of the personal level of work their offices have done.

    Juray, the bowling alley owner, offers an example.

    Two people from Collins’ office worked with him following the shooting. Juray said they not only cleared up all the questions with his insurance company and the IRS, but they secured him a disaster relief loan that “helped us get everything put back together” so they could reopen in 2024.

    Juray, a registered Democrat, has voted for Collins in the past. While he hasn’t decided who he will vote for next year, he says he is “leaning” toward the Republican incumbent.

    “Without the senators’ support and without them, I might still be waiting on some of this funding,” Juray said. “It changed the way I saw representation as a whole.”

    Chris Gardner, the head of the port authority in Eastport, Maine, was at a loss after watching the town’s historic decades-old breakwater built to protect the city’s harbor “open up like a zipper” and crumble along the rocky coast early one morning in 2014. The collapse put the livelihoods of countless people at risk.

    Before the sun rose, Gardner recalled, Collins called him and promised to do “whatever it takes” to rebuild the critical infrastructure at the nation’s easternmost port. When the breakwater was rebuilt and reopened in 2017, Collins was there with Gardner, celebrating the achievement and the millions of dollars the senator helped secure for the project.

    Gardner is a registered Republican who at times “hasn’t agreed with some of Senator Collins’ votes.” But he said he tells “anyone who will listen” about the role Collins played in rebuilding the breakwater. “God love her, she is hated by people on both sides of the aisle. … The irony is, she weathers all of that … because she stays focused on doing her job.”

    Collins laughed when asked if she thinks her constituent services work helps temper some of the anger directed at her by people who disagree with her politics. She said that often people come up to her at the grocery store and she can tell that they might not be her typical political supporters.

    “I always find that people come up to me because I’m alone,” she said. “I’m doing exactly what they’re doing. And they will come up to me and thank me for the work that my offices have done.”

    Ossoff, who is far newer to the Senate than Collins, is working to build that kind of reputation.

    Shortly after Ossoff joined the Senate in 2021, he invited an executive from a famed Georgia company — Delta Air Lines — to come speak with his staff on “best practices” for his customer service operation, including suggestions that “maybe are not common in the legislative branch or the federal government.”

    The result? Ossoff calls a handful of people who received assistance from his office each week to check in on their experience. And at the end of every constituent call with his office, Ossoff said the caller is asked whether they would “recommend the service that my office provides for someone else in the same situation as them.”

    For Claven Williams, a retired Navy commander, the answer was yes.

    Williams was exposed to Agent Orange during his service in the Pacific from the 1970s to the 1990s and was diagnosed with non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma. After initially approving his claim for disability in 2024 under the newly passed Pact Act, the Department of Veterans Affairs reduced his disability to 50% in 2025, claiming that he was cured of the ailment. That prompted Williams to contact to Ossoff’s office, which successfully worked with the department to restore his 100% benefit earlier this year.

    “I had dealt with other politicians; they didn’t support you like that, they didn’t go out of your way to help you,” recalled Williams, who voted for Ossoff in 2020.

    The casework provided by Ossoff and Collins has drawn praise from those partisans who have opposed their elections.

    “Their constituent services are second to none,” Brian Robinson, a Republican operative in Georgia, said of Ossoff’s staff during an April radio appearance with the senator, praising him for following in the footsteps of former Republican senator Johnny Isakson.

    Bev Uhlenhake, the former chair of the Maine Democratic Party who opposes Collins’ reelection next year, said the reason Collins has proved difficult to defeat in a blue state is “her relationships throughout the state of Maine.”

    “They are so deep because her staff have helped so many Mainers while in crisis,” Uhlenhake said. “Constituent services in Maine are incredibly important, and she has done it really well.”

  • ’Twas the night before Christmas at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago. Here’s what happened.

    ’Twas the night before Christmas at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago. Here’s what happened.

    PALM BEACH, Fla. — ’Twas the night before Christmas, and all through the villa, the president assured children that Santa wasn’t a guerrilla.

    “Santa’s a very good person,” President Donald Trump said on Christmas Eve, during the annual presidential ritual of helping excited little ones track Santa Claus’ location. “We want to make sure he’s not infiltrated — that we’re not infiltrating into our country a bad Santa.”

    This wasn’t exactly what Jasper, 10, from Oklahoma, had wanted to know when he dialed the NORAD Santa Tracker on Wednesday afternoon. He had called to find out where St. Nick and his reindeer were on their nightlong journey circumnavigating the globe, which the hotline “tracks” with the aid of top U.S. military technology.

    But out of the phone Jasper rang came a clatter. It was none other than Trump! Nothing was the matter.

    The president played along, disclosing Santa’s location, which at that moment, he said, was in the Czech Republic. But first, he offered a few choice observations about Jasper’s own.

    “Santa loves Oklahoma like I do,” Trump said. “You know, Oklahoma was very good to me in the election, so I love Oklahoma. Don’t ever leave Oklahoma, OK?”

    “OK,” Jasper replied haltingly. “I’ll try.”

    Such was Christmas Eve at Mar-a-Lago, the president’s private club in Palm Beach. He had spent the morning at his golf course in West Palm Beach, just across the lagoon, and by the afternoon, he was sitting in a gilded chair before a gilded Christmas tree in his gilded living room, the first lady at his side.

    With Melania in her heels and Trump in his tie, the first couple settled down to give Christmas cheer a try. The president took his calls over speakerphone; the first lady took hers murmuring softly into a receiver held closely to her ear: “She’s able to focus totally without listening to this,” Trump said.

    Jasper’s 4-year-old sister, Anastasia, told Trump she wanted a dollhouse for Christmas.

    “I think we can work that out,” Trump replied. “I think Santa’s gonna bring you the most beautiful dollhouse you’ve ever seen.” (Whether the dollhouse would be subject to his administration’s tariffs, Trump didn’t say. He has been much clearer about dolls, saying earlier this year while imposing global tariffs that young girls would be “very happy” with just “two or three or four or five.”)

    Next was Savannah, 8, from North Carolina, who wanted to know if Santa would be mad if she didn’t leave out cookies for him. The president cocked his head and smirked. “This is getting good!” he told reporters.

    “I think he won’t get mad, but I think he’ll be very disappointed,” he counseled Savannah. “You know, Santa’s — he tends to be a little bit on the cherubic side. Do you know what cherubic means? A little on the heavy side. I think Santa would like some cookies.”

    Amelia, 8, from Kansas, told Trump she wasn’t sure what she wanted for Christmas. “Not coal,” she said.

    “Not coal, no, you don’t want coal,” the president agreed. Then he caught himself. “Well, you mean clean, beautiful coal.” He turned to the media. “I had to do that, I’m sorry,” he said.

    “Coal is clean and beautiful,” he told Amelia. “Please remember that, at all costs.”

    Next up came a 5-year-old who proudly informed the president she was from Pennsylvania.

    “Pennsylvania’s great,” Trump said. “We won Pennsylvania — actually, three times,” he continued. (He did not.)

    “This is America,” he said to reporters at one point between calls. The president did not explain what he meant by this.

    His last call was with a pair of sisters, ages 6 and 10, from Tacoma, Wash. One of them told Trump she would like a pinball machine for Christmas.

    “Pinball machine? That’s great.” Trump said. “You know Elton John?” If she did, she did not say. Nor did she point out that The Who, not Elton John, first released “Pinball Wizard.”

    “He did ‘Pinball Wizard,’” the president continued. “We’ll have to send you a copy of ‘Pinball Wizard.’”

    Trump didn’t take any questions from reporters, though there were many questions to ask unrelated to Santa’s whereabouts. What about the latest tranche of the Epstein files, which include wide-ranging references to the president? Or the Supreme Court decision that thwarts his planned National Guard deployment in Chicago? Is Nicolás Maduro on the naughty or nice list?

    Not today — not on Christmas Eve. Couples were arriving in suits and ball gowns; the aroma of roasting meat wafted through the halls. The club’s celebrations were about to begin, and the president was in the holiday spirit. “Show them the festivities,” he instructed his staff, “and then send them home for Christmas dinner.”

    Around 7 p.m., reporters were escorted into the Mar-a-Lago ballroom to take in the teeming dessert platters and his guests’ holiday finest. Trump sat at a table near the center of the room with his wife and father-in-law, cordoned off from his fellow revelers with a velvet rope.

    Two minutes later, the media were whisked away. But we all heard him Truth, ere he retired for the night: “Merry Christmas to all, including the Radical Left Scum that is doing everything possible to destroy our Country, but are failing badly.”

  • U.S. strikes Nigeria after Trump warnings on Christian killings

    U.S. strikes Nigeria after Trump warnings on Christian killings

    U.S. forces struck Islamic State targets in northwestern Nigeria on Thursday evening, following up on threats to the country over killings of Christians, President Donald Trump said in a Truth Social post.

    Trump said the military conducted “multiple strikes” but did not elaborate. In a follow-up post, U.S. Africa Command said multiple people it said were ISIS terrorists were killed in strikes in Sokoto State, which is in the northwest portion of the country, bordering Niger, and has become a hot spot for a resurgence in violent extremism and the kidnapping of schoolchildren.

    “MERRY CHRISTMAS to all, including the dead Terrorists, of which there will be many more if their slaughter of Christians continues,” Trump posted to social media.

    The Pentagon said the Nigerian government approved the strikes and worked with the U.S. to carry them out. No further details on how the strikes were conducted were immediately available.

    A spokesperson for the Nigerian foreign ministry confirmed the U.S. strike Thursday evening, saying that “precision hits on terrorist targets in Nigeria by air strikes” had been carried out in response to the “persistent threat of terrorism and violent extremism.”

    “Terrorist violence of any form, whether directed at Christians, Muslims or other communities remains an affront to Nigeria’s values,” the statement from spokesperson Kimiebi Imomotimi Ebienfa said.

    For months Trump and Republican lawmakers, including Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas and Reps. Tom Cole of Oklahoma, Mario Diaz-Balart of Florida, and Riley Moore of West Virginia, have raised alarms about killings of Christians in Nigeria amid larger ethnic and religious bloodshed. Trump had previously directed the Pentagon to plan potential military action in Nigeria, and earlier this month the State Department restricted visas for Nigerians involved in the violence.

    Trump threatened an attack in Nigeria early last month, writing on his Truth Social site that: “If the Nigerian Government continues to allow the killing of Christians, the U.S.A. will immediately stop all aid and assistance to Nigeria, and may very well go into that now disgraced country, ‘guns-a-blazing,’ to completely wipe out the Islamic Terrorists who are committing these horrible atrocities.”

    His post followed a meeting in Washington between top advisers and representatives of religious groups and came after he watched a Fox News segment on the topic aboard Air Force One, the Washington Post reported. The push to make the issue an administration priority was long in the making, according to three people with knowledge of the situation, but the president’s threat of military action was entirely unexpected, they said.

    The Council on Foreign Relations reported earlier this year that the Sahel, a region that spans multiple countries across Central Africa including Niger, Nigeria, Mali, Chad, and Sudan, has seen a significant uptick in the growth of violent extremist organizations as a result of decreased international counterterrorism support.

    U.S. forces lost access to key counterterrorism bases in Niger and Chad in 2024. In their place, a number of proxy military groups such as the Russian-backed Wagner Group have filled in.

    But the Trump administration has been looking at ways to reduce the U.S. role in Africa overall as it shifts to a strategy that will focus more military assets and attention to the Western Hemisphere. The administration is also looking at potentially consolidating U.S. Africa Command into a theater command that would also include U.S. European Command and U.S. Central Command, which could further reduce the attention and resources the region would receive.

    That proposal drew concern from some lawmakers, including Democratic Sen. Chris Coons of Connecticut, who cautioned against the U.S. pulling back given Africa’s young and quickly growing population and economic importance.

    Nigeria is a diverse, multiethnic country split between the mostly Muslim north and predominantly Christian south. The country’s 230 million people are roughly split between Christians and Muslims. While violence has sometimes targeted Christians, it has also deeply affected Muslims, according to Nigerian and Western analysts.

    Most violence in Nigeria has taken place in the northeast, where the extremist group Boko Haram has regularly attacked churches and kidnapped children for more than a decade as part of its campaign to build an Islamist state through violence.

  • ‘Carol of the Bells’ was born in a Ukrainian city destroyed by Russia

    ‘Carol of the Bells’ was born in a Ukrainian city destroyed by Russia

    DNIPRO, Ukraine — The cherished, century-old Ukrainian song that Americans know as “Carol of the Bells” was written for layers upon layers of voices to fill churches, concert halls, and city squares.

    But in wartime, Ukrainians have learned to improvise.

    For one choir displaced by Russian bombardment from the very city where many believe the song was written, that means arranging the complex choral melody for just three singers this Christmas, down from the usual 30.

    Hearing the arrangement performed by just three singers gives a sense of Ukraine after years of war at the moment: depleted, persistent, still beautiful.

    The choir is from a historic music school in the besieged eastern city of Pokrovsk — an institution so tied to the original Ukrainian song, called “Shchedryk,” or “Bountiful,” that it bears the name of its composer, Mykola Leontovych.

    The piece has long served as an unofficial anthem for the city, where he lived from 1904 to 1908.

    “Wherever we would go, we would sing this song,” said Alla Dekhtyar, 67, the school’s choir director, who will be one of its three singers to perform at the school’s downsized holiday concert this month. “It was like our business card.”

    That was before Russia’s devastating advance on Pokrovsk forced most residents — including every member of the choir — to flee elsewhere in Ukraine or Europe.

    The Leontovych music school evacuated its most precious instruments in 2024, and drone footage of the city shows the building has since been largely destroyed. Russian forces now control about 95% of what remains of the city, which they aggressively shelled like so much of Ukraine they have sought to control.

    The Leontovych school reopened in exile last year in Dnipro, about 115 miles to the west.

    But with Pokrovsk’s population so widely scattered, the choir that once blended dozens of voices for regular performances in Pokrovsk is down to just two sopranos and an alto, including Dekhtyar.

    Even so, the trio will go ahead with the modified rendition of “Shchedryk” this year. Choosing another, simpler song to perform at the forthcoming holiday concert was never an option.

    Singing the song in its original Ukrainian remains an act of resistance against Russian aggression — and a reminder of Ukraine’s contributions to the global cultural canon.

    That is especially true for those displaced from Pokrovsk. While the song is beloved across Ukraine, it is particularly special for the eastern city, where many believe Leontovych began writing it long before it premiered in Kyiv in 1916 and stunned an American crowd at Carnegie Hall in 1922.

    “For everyone else, that melody means Christmas,” said Angelina Rozhkova, director of the Pokrovsk Historical Museum, who also lives in exile in Dnipro. “For us, that melody means home — a home that we don’t have anymore, a home that is in ruins.”

    “For Russia,” she added, “our home means territory that they want to take from us.”

    Leontovych was the son of an orthodox priest and an aspiring music teacher. In 1904, he moved with his young wife to the small eastern village of Hryshyne — a hub for rail workers expanding the train line, which eventually became Pokrovsk.

    Leontovych was born in the Vinnytsia region of central Ukraine in 1877, and there are competing tales of how he ended up so far east. One version is that he heard about a job posting to teach music at the railway school from rail workers themselves, Rozhkova said. Another claims he responded to a newspaper ad.

    Once there, he directed several musical groups, including a choir of rail workers. They sang songs with Ukrainian, Russian, and Jewish roots — but his own music was influenced by sounds from his childhood. Leontovych was a fierce believer in an independent Ukrainian state, and as he gained fame he was viewed, like other Ukrainian intellectuals, as a threat to Russia’s influence over a country it claimed as its own.

    “He is connected to the culture of Donbas,” Rozhkova said, referring to the part of eastern Ukraine that includes Pokrovsk, and which Russia is trying to conquer. “He was very much carrying the flag of Ukrainian culture. He was performing repurposed traditional Ukrainian songs with his choir.”

    Historians believe that the opening notes of “Shchedryk” — the same ones that have come to signal the start of the Christmas season around the world — originated from a folkloric melody Leontovych heard sometime in his childhood, or that a choir member shared with him from their own memories.

    In the original version — the one still sung in Ukraine — there is no “ding dong, ding dong,” no mention of silver bells, no announcement that “Christmas is here.”

    The lyrics never even mention Christmas.

    Instead, voices describe a swallow fluttering through the sky as it ushers in a prosperous new year, urging a farmer to greet his newborn lambs and celebrate his future. It is because of that Pokrovsk includes a drawing of a swallow on the city’s crest, which is based on a piece of art made by Leontovych’s father.

    The song made its major debut abroad only in 1922, one year after a Soviet security agent assassinated Leontovych over his nationalist views. A Ukrainian choir promoting the country’s independence and cultural heritage performed it in Carnegie Hall that year to remarkable reviews — although some American newspapers wrongly praised it as Russian music.

    Eventually, Ukrainian American composer Peter Wilhousky adapted the song with a completely different set of lyrics in English, transforming it into a Christmas classic.

    “When Leontovych was writing ‘Shchedryk,’ he didn’t understand he was creating a hit,” said Elmira Dzhabrailova-Kushnir, 39, a cultural history specialist in Kyiv. “For him, this was an ethnic study.”

    He built the iconic song around the distinct opening notes, building it out into a masterpiece that weaves different voices and melodies into a singular experience for the audience.

    “He took three notes and, through his genius, worked it into that song,” Dekhtyar said.

    A week before Christmas, Dekhtyar and her trio from Pokrovsk gathered in the new Leontovych music school to rehearse.

    The building in Dnipro is cozy and clean, the practice rooms complete with pianos evacuated from Pokrovsk last year.

    But the space lacks most of the memories and people that made it home. Albums of archival photos dating back decades sit stacked in a corner. A painting of Leontovych leans against the wall.

    Dekhtyar, who used to direct the choir, now sings in it as lead soprano. Her daughter, Natalia Aleksahina, 44, who also teaches vocals at the school, has taken the alto part. Their friend Viktoriia Ametova, 43, joined Dekhtyar as second soprano.

    Behind them, a Christmas tree illuminated the corner. Holiday lights twinkled on the walls. But there was little to celebrate. Inside, each singer’s happy memories of home were buried under the pain of leaving.

    Aleksahina fled home with her mother in April 2022 after a Russian cluster munition tore through the roof of her parents’ home.

    Her 12-year-old daughter was there at the time of the attack but was unharmed. Her father was lightly wounded. The family expected the war would soon end and they would return home and rebuild. They occasionally visited Pokrovsk even as they settled in a rental apartment in Dnipro.

    But as Russian forces slowly advanced and a mandatory evacuation order was issued in August 2024, they began to realize their temporary displacement might not be temporary after all.

    “It’s a painful subject,” Dekhtyar said. “We all had our own houses. Now there’s nothing left.”

    “There’s nothing left,” her daughter repeated. “Our friends, social circle, family — everyone is scattered all over the place.”

    Ametova left amid evacuation orders in August 2024, after her neighbor’s building was badly damaged. She still carries the keys to the house and apartment she owns in Pokrovsk everywhere she goes, even if she can’t confirm they’re still standing.

    When she thinks of home, Ametova said, “I feel pain.”

    The trio agree that singing is one of the only reprieves they have left. And nothing makes them feel better than singing “Shchedryk,” a song they can’t remember not knowing —- a song that lives in them deeper than any other memory.

    They stand up. They close their eyes. Dekhtyar raises her hands. They are just three voices, but together, they fill the entire room with the precious sound of home.

  • For one migrant family, no Christmas lights in New Orleans

    For one migrant family, no Christmas lights in New Orleans

    NEW ORLEANS — Dinnertime had just ended when there was a loud knock at the door. Jhony grabbed his ID card and the documents showing he had protection from deportation. His wife, Aracely, rushed the children upstairs.

    Six years ago, Jhony had arrived in New Orleans and found work helping renovate the Superdome, which became a symbol of the city’s fortitude after Hurricane Katrina. Now he stood inside his home with an ear to the door as his mind raced through what he would do if someone broke through. Aracely peeked through their window curtains.

    Two immigration officers stood outside.

    The men wore masks, protective vests, and caps, the couple later recounted. One of them pounded on the door four times. It was raining, and they stood waiting on Jhony and Aracely’s stoop for several minutes. Then they left. Jhony relaxed, but not completely. His papers, earned after filing a complaint with the U.S. Department of Labor for wage theft, did not give him a legal status, and he knew they did not entirely shield him or protect his family.

    “We came because at our home, there was no peace,” Jhony said of relocating to the U.S. as agents drove slowly through his neighborhood in a convoy of Chevy Suburbans again the next afternoon. “I feel like I am reliving my life in Honduras, but here.”

    Hondurans have been arriving in New Orleans in search of work since the city emerged as a key port in the banana trade over a century ago. They have continued to settle here in successive waves ever since, fleeing political turmoil and poverty in their homeland and helping rebuild after Hurricane Katrina in 2005. A bronze-and-marble statue depicting a Latino worker with a hammer stands in the city in honor of their contributions.

    For many Hondurans, the Department of Homeland Security’s launch of Catahoula Crunch in early December has felt like whiplash. The operation’s name is a reference to the Catahoula leopard dogs trained by early Louisiana settlers to hunt wild boar. DHS contends the operation is needed to remove criminals released under “sanctuary” policies that limit local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration officers. So far, federal officers have arrested more than 250 people, including at least two dozen they say have criminal records, some of whom are Honduran.

    “They honored us for rebuilding the city, doing work no one else would,” said Mario Mendoza, another undocumented Honduran construction worker. “They called us essential workers during the pandemic. Now, we are criminals?”

    Latino-owned businesses have locked their doors, and some immigrants are sleeping at their workplaces because they fear being stopped by federal officers on their way home. Construction sites are emptying. Mothers of newborns are sending breast milk via courier to their hospitalized infants or skipping follow-up appointments. Food banks are begging undocumented families not to come in person but to send someone else.

    For Jhony and his family, the DHS sting has required painful decisions. The couple spoke on the condition that they be identified by only their first names because they fear being targeted by immigration officers. He and his wife want their five children to advance in school, but they are also terrified they could get detained while walking them there. All but one, the youngest, are undocumented.

    Some days, they feel brave and go. Others, they don’t.

    After the knock at the door, no one left the house for four days.

    ‘Invisible’

    Jhony arrived in New Orleans in 2019, he said, after his sister, a schoolteacher, was hacked to death by gang members with machetes after a dispute with a local leader. After the killing, Jhony said, the men began to stalk him. A vehicle no one recognized parked outside his family’s home every night. Fearful for their lives, Jhony and his wife said, they decided to head north. They closed the restaurant they ran and set out with their four children.

    They crossed illegally on foot, each parent clutching two of their children. Aracely held the youngest, a 1-year-old girl.

    They headed to New Orleans because they knew other Hondurans had found work there. Generations of their compatriots had made the city and its adjacent parishes home before them. Hondurans began settling here in the early 1900s as the city became a major hub for United Fruit and Standard Fruit. Both enterprises had lucrative banana plantations in Honduras, and many Hondurans found work in docks and offices in New Orleans.

    Another wave of migrants arrived a half-century later as Honduras was struck by political and economic instability, some of it fueled by U.S. support for the nation’s military during the Cold War, and again after Hurricane Mitch left much of the country in ruins in 1998.

    The Honduran arrivals built businesses and integrated into the city’s multiethnic culture while introducing their own, one baleada — a traditional taco-like Honduran staple — at a time. And although many arrived as undocumented immigrants, in 1999, the Clinton administration granted Hondurans temporary protected status, reasoning that the widespread destruction caused by Mitch made it unsafe for many to return home. Temporary protected status was not a pathway to citizenship, but it spared tens of thousands from deportation.

    Then came Katrina. In the months and years after Hurricane Katrina, thousands of Hondurans arrived in New Orleans to work when the city needed help rebuilding entire neighborhoods destroyed by the storm. Tens of thousands of workers descended on the city, and studies estimate nearly half were immigrants and at least a quarter of all workers were undocumented Latinos. Nearly a third of the undocumented were Honduran, and large numbers stayed in the region.

    “Hondurans are integral to the history of this place,” said Sarah Fouts, who is writing a book on the history of immigrant labor in New Orleans post-Katrina. “They’ve created homes and they’ve made their spaces and earned their spaces visibly in churches, through restaurants and local soccer leagues. But there are also ways in which they are invisible within the rebuilt infrastructure.”

    Hondurans kept arriving even after most of the initial rebuilding was complete. Established networks of friends and family made finding jobs easier, and while some aspects of life improved in Honduras, political corruption and insecurity continued to push people out. Jhony found work within weeks of arriving. He said he worked on road and bridge repairs, home demolitions, and reconstruction. Some of it was long-delayed work from Katrina and, later, part of the recovery from Hurricane Ida in 2021.

    A year later, Jhony was hired as part of a subcontracting crew to help with concrete demolition and interior renovations at the Superdome ahead of the 2025 Super Bowl between the Philadelphia Eagles and the Kansas City Chiefs.

    “It felt like God had brought us here because we settled quickly,” he said.

    A UH-1Y Venom helicopter from Marine Light Attack Squadron 773 flies over the Superdome on Feb. 8 ahead of the Super Bowl between the Philadelphia Eagles and the Kansas City Chiefs in New Orleans.

    But the commemorative statue to honor Latino immigrant workers and the words of solidarity and gratitude that followed Katrina’s aftermath had begun, in recent years, to feel like relics of a time and sentiment that no longer existed. An estimated 23,000 immigrants arrived in Louisiana in the last two years of the Biden administration — one of the largest influxes the state had seen in decades.

    New Orleans itself had adopted policies to limit cooperation between local police and federal immigration officers, but the surrounding suburbs where many Honduran immigrants had built their homes took a different approach.

    After President Donald Trump was sworn into office again in January, police departments in Kenner and Gretna signed up to partner with Immigration and Customs Enforcement through a program known as 287(g). The initiative trains local officers to carry out some of the functions of a federal immigration agent. Traffic stops ended in immigration arrests. Officers handed jail inmates over to ICE. They chased and arrested day laborers outside hardware stores.

    Republican Gov. Jeff Landry and state lawmakers simultaneously pushed measures to mandate state police cooperation with federal agents in an effort to buoy the Trump administration’s mass deportation campaign. Landry argued that the Biden administration had failed to thoroughly vet the people it had allowed in, and that new immigrants were both a danger and a burden to states now responsible for providing services like education for their children.

    “Entering this country illegally doesn’t make you immune from the law,” he said as Catahoula Crunch got underway. “If you commit crimes here, you face consequences — just like any citizen who breaks the law.”

    Homero López, legal director of the New Orleans-based Immigration Services and Legal Advocacy organization, said it is not an exaggeration to say that nearly everyone in New Orleans has had work done on their homes or businesses by unauthorized immigrants or has hired undocumented labor. It is not a hidden fact, he said, but it is an inconvenient one for state and federal lawmakers who have not provided a long-term solution.

    “We’re still working off of something that was built in 1965,” López said, referring to the Immigration and Nationality Act, which established the framework for immigration to the United States still used today. “The world has significantly changed in 60 years, but we haven’t really changed our immigration system very much in those same 60 years.”

    Jhony and his wife contacted an immigration attorney when they arrived in New Orleans, but despite his sister’s slaying, he said, he was counseled not to file an application for asylum. To qualify, migrants must prove they face persecution based on their race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or belonging to a particular social group — and the lawyer told them they probably would not meet those requirements. So they opted to wait.

    His work at the Superdome paid well — when his bosses did pay, he said. But Jhony and his coworkers were routinely not paid for overtime work, and he said they lost thousands of dollars. He filed a complaint with the U.S. Department of Labor with the help of a national advocacy organization for day laborers. The agency investigated the claims, finding employers violated federal overtime work laws and underpaid laborers by misclassifying them and keeping incomplete records. The workers negotiated thousands of dollars in back wages, and the victory made Jhony eligible for a Biden-era program that offered protections to workers who blow the whistle on labor violations.

    Jhony got a Social Security card, work authorization, and a promise from the federal government that he would not be removed to Honduras. But those protections did not offer a path to a legal status or any guarantee he would not be deported to another country. He knew he would be vulnerable when immigration agents came to town.

    Fear

    Drones buzzing in their suburban New Orleans neighborhood were the first unnerving signs that federal immigration officers were about to arrive. Two hovered in the backyard of their duplex apartment. Vehicles with out-of-state plates and dark-tinted windows then began circling the streets and watching as people walked their children to school. Some agents took photos of cars, neighbors, homes.

    Aracely quit her part-time job at a restaurant. They scaled back meals to basics like tortillas and beans to save money. They began relying on friends and grocery delivery services to avoid trips outside the home. And they joined a neighborhood messaging group that shared tips on ICE’s and Border Patrol’s whereabouts.

    It is a half-mile walk to the local elementary school. To get there, Aracely and two of her children, ages 7 and 9, walk past rows of townhouses and neighbors out with their dogs. The couple has tried to keep their children’s lives as normal as possible. On the days when immigration officers are not spotted nearby, Aracely feeds them breakfast, braids her daughter’s hair, and escorts them to the school’s entrance.

    Forecasters had warned of rain one such morning. The children threw on jackets and walked outside. Then Aracely noticed a white unmarked vehicle following them.

    She turned toward the vehicle and locked eyes with a man inside wearing a vest, mask, and cap.

    “ICE is behind me,” she texted her husband.

    The car’s engine accelerated. The driver got closer. But then he turned.

    There were sightings and scares like this all around the Jefferson Parish communities where Hondurans had made their homes. Jefferson Parish is a Republican stronghold, but among council member at-large Jennifer Van Vrancken’s constituents, the arrests sparked concern. Border Patrol officers clad in black neck gaiters pulled up over their mouths descended on a Home Depot in Kenner and a Lowe’s in Elysian Fields. They used a fire department ladder in Slidell to arrest three workers from the roof of a condominium under construction. One hotel reported that it had no housekeeping staff.

    “My constituents voted for President Trump and absolutely are supportive of any effort to close the border and to get dangerous illegals out of the country,” Van Vrancken said. “But they did not envision what we have now. They are very disturbed by what seems to be a ‘pick everybody up and ask questions later’ approach.”

    She said that Kenner, a city within the parish, is home to the largest community of Hondurans outside that country and that large numbers of them are legal residents who are too afraid to go to work amid the seemingly indiscriminate roundups. Van Vrancken said she is meeting with local law enforcement, ICE, and Hispanic business leaders to learn whether there is a way to “fine-tune the process.”

    “I don’t understand why the unmarked cars and masking is necessary. It just seems aimed at fear,” said Van Vrancken, who describes herself as an outspoken Republican in favor of detaining people with no legal right to be in the country. “If our everyday brave men and women can show up in a uniform and marked car, why is it any different in this scenario?”

    Home builders say Catahoula Crunch is exacerbating an already steep labor crisis. Even workers who have a legal immigration status are afraid of being stopped, said Dan Mills, chief executive of the Home Builders Association of Greater New Orleans. The result is an increase in labor costs because the supply of workers is shrinking while demand remains high. He pointed to work being done by several local contractors to improve homes through a federal grant program. Projects that were estimated to cost $8,000 per home have now risen to $10,000.

    “If we don’t have workers, we can’t move projects forward,” Mills said.

    No Christmas lights

    The day Aracely was followed had spooked them all. Jhony began checking his phone every 15 minutes for neighborhood updates. Their two older children ran home from their bus stop through the rain because they were afraid of being grabbed.

    Aracely was making tortillas later that week to eat with a stew her brother-in-law had brought over. Her hands made a slight slapping sound as she molded the flour disks. Then she looked at her phone and paused.

    “He’s here,” she said, walking over to her husband. “They’re here on our street.”

    Border Patrol Commander Gregory Bovino was inside a giant SUV surrounded by a caravan of immigration officers and state police driving slowly on a street alongside their building.

    Customs and Border Patrol Commander Gregory Bovino walks with border patrol agents through a neighborhood during an immigration crackdown, in Kenner, La., on Dec. 5.

    “Don’t open your doors for anyone!” neighbors texted. “Chicos, La Migra está aquí.”

    Jhony looked at his wife, whose breath began to quicken. They logged on to a live stream from local journalists following the agents with cameras. The honks from neighbors shrieked louder and louder as the caravan got close.

    “Any minute now, my little one will come running down the steps,” Jhony said, and, as if on cue, his 7-year-old daughter sprinted into his arms.

    The immigration officers lingered and left after what felt like hours but was around 30 minutes. Two days later, Jhony went back to work. A colleague with a green card began picking him up. Each morning, he would give Jhony a heads-up on whether La Migra was near. If all was clear, he would run out of his house and into the truck.

    “I’m putting myself at risk every day,” he said. “Before I leave for work, I give each of my children a kiss because I don’t know if I’ll return home or not.”

    The worst part, Jhony said, is watching how his children have changed. They can’t go to the park every Wednesday and Saturday as they had before to run and kick around a soccer ball. His usually rambunctious girls have grown quiet. They stopped going to church and won’t step outside into their fenced-in backyard. They don’t want to go to school.

    The family spends more time together, but it’s clouded by all that is happening and all they cannot do. Jhony and his wife weren’t sure how they would buy Christmas presents.

    In early December, the family nonetheless started decorating their home for the holiday. They hung green Christmas garland on the wall and covered the kitchen table with a decorative cloth with images of wreaths, snowflakes, and candy canes.

    They put up a tree, too. But the eldest girls made a demand.

    They did not want to string holiday lights.

    They were afraid it would signal to immigration officers that the family was inside.

  • What we know (and what we don’t) about the Epstein files’ release

    What we know (and what we don’t) about the Epstein files’ release

    The Justice Department released a second wave of files related to Jeffrey Epstein this week, providing a window into federal investigators’ examination of sexual abuse allegations lodged against the deceased financier by women and girls over the course of decades.

    The tranche of files released by the Justice Department on Monday includes wide-ranging references to President Donald Trump and a revelation that U.S. authorities sought to interview Prince Andrew in connection with two separate criminal investigations. The department had released the initial batch just ahead of last Friday’s deadline that was established in the law passed by Congress.

    Despite the deadline to release the full trove of files about Epstein, who died in federal custody in 2019 while awaiting trial on sex-trafficking charges, many files have yet to be made public. The Justice Department’s releases have faced issues, including the latest tranche being briefly taken offline before being uploaded again. The department, which traditionally has been regarded as being independent from partisan influence, released statements saying documents in the latest batch contained what it called “untrue and sensationalist claims” about Trump.

    Here is what we have learned so far from the latest release:

    Trump is mentioned much more in the latest batch of files

    The batch of files released this week produced more documents mentioning Trump than the first one. It includes a 2021 subpoena sent to Mar-a-Lago, Trump’s club in Palm Beach, Fla., for records that pertained to the government’s case against Ghislaine Maxwell, Epstein’s accomplice in sex trafficking. The full reason for the subpoena to Mar-a-Lago was not immediately clear, but an assistant U.S. attorney had been seeking past employment records from Trump’s club that were relevant in the case against Maxwell.

    The new batch includes notes from an assistant U.S. attorney in New York about the number of times Trump flew on Epstein’s plane, including one flight that included just Trump, Epstein, and a 20-year-old woman, according to the notes.

    The latest drop also includes several tips that were collected by the FBI about Trump’s involvement with Epstein and parties at their properties in the early 2000s. The documents do not show whether any follow-up investigations took place or whether any of the tips were corroborated.

    Being mentioned in a mass trove of investigatory documents does not demonstrate criminal wrongdoing. Trump has not been accused of being involved in Epstein’s criminal activities and has denied knowing about Epstein’s abuse of young women and girls. His spokesperson previously said Trump kicked Epstein out of his Mar-a-Lago Club for being a “creep.”

    In a statement Tuesday morning, the Justice Department said: “Some of these documents contain untrue and sensationalist claims made against President Trump.”

    “Nevertheless, out of our commitment to the law and transparency, the DOJ is releasing these documents with the legally required protections for Epstein’s victims,” the statement said.

    In a social media post on Wednesday, the Justice Department said that the “US Attorney for the Southern District of New York and the FBI” informed DOJ that “over a million more documents potentially related to the Jeffrey Epstein case” had been uncovered.

    “The DOJ has received these documents from SDNY and the FBI to review. … Due to the mass volume of material, this process may take a few more weeks,” the department added.

    When asked for comment Wednesday, the White House referred the Washington Post to the DOJ’s statement on X.

    U.S. authorities wanted to interview Prince Andrew, documents show

    The new set of public documents includes emails and court filings by U.S. authorities seeking to interview Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor in connection with two separate criminal investigations: one relating to Epstein and another involving Peter Nygard, the Canadian fashion tycoon accused of sexually assaulting multiple women and girls.

    The newly released material also contains an email sent from “A,” who writes that he is at the royal residence of Balmoral in Scotland and asks Maxwell whether she had found him some “new inappropriate friends.”

    While it had been known that prosecutors wanted to speak to Andrew about Epstein, their desire to engage on Nygard was newly revealed by the recently released documents.

    The document regarding Nygard stressed that Andrew was not a target of the investigations and that U.S. authorities had not gathered evidence that he had committed any crime under U.S. law.

    U.S. authorities stated that Andrew was not a target of the Epstein investigation and that there is “evidence that Prince Andrew engaged in sexual conduct involving one of Epstein’s victims.” The document noted that U.S. authorities had not concluded he had committed a crime under U.S. law.

    Andrew, who was stripped of his royal title, has repeatedly denied all wrongdoing. The former prince’s office did not respond to a request for comment on Tuesday.

    Justice Department struggles with releasing files

    The second wave of files on Epstein was available for several hours Monday afternoon and evening on the Justice Department website, but the documents were taken down around 8 p.m. The department reposted the files on its website shortly before midnight Monday.

    The department did not respond to questions about why the documents had been posted and then apparently removed.

    Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle and Epstein’s accusers have criticized the DOJ for releasing only some of the files by the Dec. 19 deadline. The House members who wrote the law setting that date said they would seek to find Attorney General Pam Bondi in contempt of Congress over the partial release.

    Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche told NBC’s Meet the Press on Sunday that the Justice Department has “about a million or so pages of documents” related to Epstein and that “virtually all of them contain victim information.” Based on internal estimates, it appears that hundreds of thousands of pages of additional Epstein-related documents have yet to be publicly released.

    The Justice Department has said that some documents made public, including a purported letter from Epstein to Larry Nassar, a doctor convicted of sexually abusing athletes, are fake.

    Along with the Justice Department’s statements challenging the veracity of claims made about Trump, Blanche has defended his agency’s procedures for releasing documents related to Epstein.

    “We produce documents, and sometimes this can result in releasing fake or false documents because they simply are in our possession because the law requires this. … We will continue to produce every document required by law. Let’s not let internet rumor engines outrun the facts,” Blanche wrote on X.

    The latest batch of documents included emails describing how federal investigators faced data-processing delays and issues organizing the large collection of files they had obtained while investigating Epstein.

    An assistant U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York wrote in one February 2020 email released this week that it was “basically impossible for us to keep track of what we’re getting, and what has been completed, without some kind of identification or labeling system.”

    A follow-up message in the email chain later that month states that investigators received access to “well over a million documents, and we don’t have any idea what we’re looking at.”

    Victims’ rights advocates want specific info from files — and aren’t likely to get it

    A group of women who have accused Epstein of abuse said in a statement on Monday that valuable information was missing from Friday’s initial wave of documents released by the Justice Department.

    The women, in their statement, claimed that numerous victim identities were left unredacted in the initial release and specifically criticized the lack of financial documents and unredacted grand jury minutes. The second batch of documents was similarly devoid of such information.

    The Justice Department said its review process was focused on keeping victims’ identities shielded. While compiling records, the department sought the names of people victimized by Epstein and found “over 1,200 names being identified as victims or their relatives,” Blanche said in a letter to Congress.

    Blanche also said the department had withheld some files that it claimed were covered by legal privileges that the new law did not specifically waive. Among those were documents that would reveal internal deliberations at the Justice Department.

  • Class demonstration uncovers dangerously large kidney stone in medical student

    Class demonstration uncovers dangerously large kidney stone in medical student

    Aria Moreno was excited when she walked into class on Hofstra University’s campus in Long Island. It was late August, her fourth week of medical school, and Moreno had volunteered to undergo an ultrasound as part of the day’s lesson on the gastrointestinal system.

    It probably saved her half a kidney.

    As the ultrasound wand hovered over Moreno’s abdomen, Amanda Aguiló-Cuadra, the class instructor, noticed dark patches over Moreno’s right kidney. She suspected a buildup of fluid caused by a blockage.

    Aguiló-Cuadra said nothing. Per school policy, she waited until after class to pull Moreno aside and recommend that she see a urologist.

    “It was kind of a big shock,” Moreno said, adding: “I had zero symptoms. I had no pain, no urinary symptoms. Nothing flag-worthy.”

    Doctors eventually found and removed a dangerously large kidney stone. A typical person can pass a 4-millimeter kidney stone naturally, although it’s often very painful. Moreno’s kidney stone measured four centimeters — 10 times larger, about as wide as a pingpong ball.

    Moreno is back to normal life, but damage from the stone has left the 22-year-old with only 50% function in her right kidney and no guarantee it will improve. She’ll need to be careful with what medications she takes going forward.

    If it had not been detected, “it very likely would have progressed, and she could have lost the entire kidney,” said David Battinelli, dean of the Donald and Barbara Zucker School of Medicine at Hofstra/Northwell on Long Island, where Moreno is enrolled.

    Aguiló-Cuadra, a radiology resident who graduated from Zucker in 2024, said it was lucky this discovery happened early in the semester. Not only was it better for Moreno’s health, it preserved her privacy because her classmates did not know enough to question what they saw on the ultrasound display.

    Medical students are largely healthy 20-somethings. Still, past ultrasound demonstrations at the school using student volunteers have uncovered gallstones and thyroid nodules, said John Pellerito, a co-founder of the ultrasound program at Zucker.

    The school’s policy directs instructors to tell an affected student in a way that protects their privacy.

    But before she did that, Aguiló-Cuadra wanted to look at Moreno’s other kidney without raising alarm.

    She asked the student scanning Moreno to position the wand over Moreno’s left kidney while making an excuse about visualizing the spleen.

    Moreno was out of class for two weeks recovering from surgery to remove the kidney stone. She sent Aguiló-Cuadra regular updates.

    Her classmates sent Moreno study notes, but she didn’t need help with any renal topics ahead of her finals next week.

    “Now I can tell you anything about a kidney,” Moreno said with a laugh.

    The New Jersey native is back to exercising and her other passion, dancing. Despite an unexpected dive into kidney health, she wants to become a physician who specializes in the health of dancers.

    Moreno said she is inspired by the tactful, compassionate way Aguiló-Cuadra informed her about what she’d seen on the screen.

    “I hope to bring that kind of ease to all my patients,” Moreno said.

  • ‘Everywhere chemicals’ are in our food, decades after scientists recognized dangers

    ‘Everywhere chemicals’ are in our food, decades after scientists recognized dangers

    CARY, N.C. — Earl Gray was astonished by what he found when he cut into the laboratory rats. Some had testicles that were malformed, filled with fluid, missing, or in the wrong place. Others had shriveled tubes blocking the flow of sperm, while still more were missing glands that help produce semen.

    For months, Gray and his team had been feeding rats corn oil laced with phthalates, a class of chemical widely used to make plastics soft and pliable. Working for the Environmental Protection Agency in the early 1980s, Gray was evaluating how toxic substances damage the reproductive system and tested dibutyl phthalate after reading some early papers suggesting it posed a risk to human health.

    Sitting on a screened porch on a humid summer day more than 40 years later, Gray recalled the study and the grisly birth defects. “It was in enough animals, so we knew it wasn’t random malformations,” said Gray, 80, who retired after nearly 50 years with the agency.

    Gray and other scientists were awakening to the potential dangers of phthalates, which were making their way into nearly every human being on the planet as plastics became a way of life in the 20th century.

    Yet even as the dangers became more evident, the Food and Drug Administration, the EPA, and other regulators made only piecemeal efforts to limit their use over the next 50 years. This inaction allowed companies to continue to churn out millions of tons of phthalates for plastics manufacturing, leading these “everywhere chemicals” to become pervasive.

    Today, most people are exposed to phthalates when they eat. Although industry has largely eliminated their use in food packaging — once one of the most common uses — phthalates are used in factories that make food, accumulating at high levels in ultra-processed foods. They also enter the environment through products including medical equipment, vinyl flooring, cars, cosmetics, and cheap plastic goods like shower curtains.

    A large body of science has linked phthalates to a variety of serious health conditions, including premature birth and infertility. Studies have also tied the chemicals to neurodevelopment issues like ADHD. In April, a study led by New York University attributed 350,000 deaths from heart disease globally to phthalates exposure. And a University of Miami study linked phthalates’ disruption of hormones to breast cancer, a leading cause of death for women globally.

    The costs to society are huge. A 2024 NYU-led study that cataloged health effects from phthalates exposure in the United States — including contributions to diabetes levels and infertility — estimated that dealing with phthalate-related diseases cost $66.7 billion in a single year. That is triple the economic impact of health impacts from “forever chemicals,” another class of chemicals widely implicated in disease. Treating all cancer, by comparison, costs the U.S. $209 billion annually, according to one estimate by the government-run National Cancer Institute.

    The sporadic attention regulators have paid to this issue has allowed far more of these chemicals to circulate than what many experts consider safe. Many scientists say phthalates should have been banned or severely limited two decades ago and compare regulators’ slow response to delays in protecting the public from cigarettes and asbestos.

    “If I was in charge, would I have removed it from products? Yes,” said Shanna Swan, an epidemiologist with the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai. “The only thing you can do is ban it.”

    There was already “sufficient evidence” in the 2000s that pregnant women’s exposure to phthalates harmed fetal development, Swan said. At that time, studies by Swan and others found “phthalate syndrome” — telltale genital malformations — in humans that were similar to what Gray and others had found in rats.

    “When you already see things in humans, that is too late,” said Maricel Maffini, an independent biochemist, who has worked with major corporations and nonprofit chemical advocacy groups. “When we see effects in humans, it is because we didn’t do a good job years earlier.”

    After years of delay, federal regulators began limiting phthalates use in children’s toys in 2009, eventually banning eight compounds. The EPA is scrutinizing seven additional phthalates, but any possible action would be years away. Even the chemical Gray served to rats — dibutyl phthalate — is still on the market for use in adhesives and paints.

    Industry associations say that their voluntary actions have already reduced public exposure to these chemicals.

    By the mid-2000s, manufacturers had removed phthalates from plastic cling wrap. The FDA has worked with drug companies since 2012 to phase out two varieties, but others continue to be used. And in 2022, the agency granted a request from vinyl plastic manufacturers to withdraw approvals for 25 little-used phthalates in food packaging and manufacturing.

    Industry groups say they have been unfairly portrayed as exposing the public to phthalates.

    “It is a myth that consumer exposure to phthalates is through food packaging,” said the American Chemistry Council, the trade group that represents major phthalate manufacturers, in a statement.

    These actions have reduced public exposure, but scientists say the current phthalate levels remain dangerous, especially for pregnant women and children.

    “There are chemicals that in very, very, very small concentrations at certain times in your life will have a profound effect,” Maffini said. “We cannot go back and rewire the brain. We cannot go back and get the testes to be developed in a different way.”

    The Washington Post spoke to 14 current and former regulators at the FDA and the EPA, who blamed an institutional culture based on weak laws and a fear of litigation for why they did not ban or restrict phthalates, as well as two dozen outside scientists and other experts.

    Former regulators blame the decades of inaction on laws that did not require regulators to reexamine older chemicals that were introduced before the health dangers were known. Agency officials also feared that studies showing a link to disease would not hold up in court and companies would challenge regulators for taking action without a legal mandate.

    The fact that the FDA, the EPA, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission all regulate chemicals in some fashion means that no single agency takes responsibility for all the ways people are exposed to phthalates, experts say.

    “For the last 120 years of the modern chemical age, the country’s chemical safety laws were either nonexistent, ineffective, or rendered unusable, until only nine years ago,” said Michal Freedhoff, President Joe Biden’s EPA assistant administrator for chemical safety. “EPA will need to play catch-up for a very long time.”

    In 2016, federal officials began to implement a 2016 amendment to the Toxic Substances Control Act that requires the EPA to systematically review chemicals already on the market. A similar process is being undertaken at the FDA, though it is not legally mandated.

    Former FDA officials, including those who oversaw chemicals that come in contact with food, defended the agency’s past approach as being based on the best available science at the time.

    “Within the confines of the statute and the available science, they are making the best decisions they can,” said Dennis Keefe, who headed the FDA’s Office of Food Additive Safety from 2011 until 2022.

    The FDA takes decisive action when it is presented with clear proof of harms, Keefe said, and some studies may raise safety concerns but stop short of definitive proof.

    The Health and Human Services Department did not respond to questions about the history of its approach to the chemicals, but spokesman Andrew Nixon said in a statement, “The FDA continues to work to better understand the safety and use of the nine phthalates still authorized for use in food contact applications, and phthalates are included on FDA’s list of chemicals in the food supply that are under review.”

    EPA spokeswoman Brigit Hirsch said in a statement that before 2016, the law “did not provide a specific process or timeline for assessing and managing unreasonable risks from existing chemicals.” The agency is now prioritizing existing chemicals for review, she said, evaluating their harm and creating rules to manage unreasonable risk.

    A century of exposure

    Late 1800s-1940s: Phthalates, which are derived from petroleum, predate modern American regulation by decades. The chemicals were being commercially produced in the U.S. and Japan by the 1930s.

    Plastic — invented in the late 1800s — was still in its infancy then. Early uses include camera film and Bakelite, an extremely hard plastic. For decades, Bakelite rotary phones and radios were the most common plastic items in an American home.

    When World War II created a shortage of rubber for U.S. military equipment, scientists turned to phthalates, which make a rubberlike material when added to plastic, particularly vinyl and PVC.

    1950s: After the war ended, the U.S. reoriented its newfound plastics manufacturing might toward an ever-increasing number of consumer products containing phthalates — rubber ducks, vinyl flooring, Dow Chemical’s Saran wrap — with little regulation.

    In 1958, Congress directed the FDA to review new chemicals for use in food packaging and processing equipment — but the Food Additives Amendment grandfathered in approvals for most chemicals already broadly in use. Among them was di(2-ethylhexyl) phthalate (DEHP), the most commonly used phthalate and one of the most toxic, according to peer-reviewed studies by Gray and many other scientists.

    1960s-1970s: The publication of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring in 1962 led to a growing public awareness of the harms resulting from the use of pesticides. The EPA was established in 1970 but did not initially regulate chemicals already on the market. Scientists noticed the reproductive effects of phthalates on animals as early as the 1970s, but their research drew little public attention.

    1980s-1990s: After Gray’s early experiments, a scientist named Theo Colborn embarked on a pioneering research program focused on chemicals that short-circuit the hormone system, including pesticides and DEHP, but later expanding to other phthalates and plastic additives.

    Colborn co-wrote the 1996 book Our Stolen Future, which helped bring hormone-disrupting chemicals to public awareness, with pressure mounting over the next decade.

    2000s: Amid concern over phthalates’ impact on children, the 2008 Consumer Product Safety Improvement Act banned DEHP and two other phthalates in toys like rubber ducks and dolls. A decade later, the Consumer Product Safety Commission banned using five additional phthalates in toys after determining they harm male reproductive systems.

    To date, the commission’s actions on children’s toys stand out as one of the few limits that regulators have placed on phthalates.

    Joint custody

    The federal government has divided the primary responsibility for regulating phthalates between the FDA, which polices exposure to chemicals through food, drugs and cosmetics, and the EPA, which oversees them elsewhere, including in the environment.

    For decades campaigners focused on food packaging, but companies have voluntarily addressed that concern. Nestlé, considered a leader in setting food standards, began limiting phthalates in its products in the mid-2000s, according to Stephen Klump, who helped develop tests for phthalates in his 21 years at the company. It gradually ratcheted up restrictions on its suppliers, banning the chemicals by 2018. The rest of the industry followed, Klump said.

    The FDA, however, still allows nine phthalates to be used in factories processing food.

    “You have hoses that are loaded with phthalates, you have plastic tanks that stuff is stored in, you have pumps that are plastic — that’s where you get a lot of phthalates,” said Tom Neltner, a longtime chemical campaigner and chemical engineer who worked in food manufacturing.

    The American Chemistry Council said the FDA has approved using certain phthalates in food-contact applications like tubing, conveyor belts, and vinyl gloves, concluding that dietary exposures do not exceed safe levels.

    “The leadership in FDA, both political and the senior career leadership, for decades in the food safety space, didn’t think chemicals merited much attention,” said Jim Jones, who was brought in as a deputy commissioner to overhaul food safety at the agency in 2023 after a career at the EPA.

    Five phthalates that predate the 1958 food additives law, including DEHP, remain on the market. Four additional phthalates still in use were subsequently approved by the agency, though scientists say those approvals rely on outdated science.

    Monsanto’s 1961 application to the FDA for the use of dicyclohexyl phthalate (DCHP) in food packaging and adhesives, obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, relied heavily on a 1956 German study of 1,400 rats supported by Bayer (which acquired Monsanto in 2018). That study primarily looked at what doses of certain phthalates would kill them, or severely affect body and organ weight.

    Gray chuckled at the study’s unsophisticated toxicology, noting it showed only how a rat would drop dead with a single dose. “It just shows things have improved quite a bit because that’s useless,” he said.

    DCHP remains approved for use in contact with food.

    Keefe agreed the science used in older applications “wasn’t that developed.”

    Under the current process, teams of evaluators try to determine the level at which a chemical has no negative effect, and then estimate an even lower safe exposure threshold.

    Historically, the agency has reconsidered legacy chemicals only on an ad hoc basis, which often happens when there is a citizen petition to reconsider a chemical, “a health concern” or public outcry, or “new evidence,” said Carrie McMahon, who worked in the Office of Food Additive Safety reviewing ingredients during her 20-year FDA career before retiring this year.

    Susan Mayne, who was the director of food safety and nutrition at the FDA until 2023, said she went to Congress many times in her eight years there to request additional funding for post-market reviews of chemicals but never got it. “We were really at the mercy of what Congress would give that particular office,” she said. She said Congress also rebuffed the FDA’s efforts to charge companies a user fee to fund reviews, as is done for drugs.

    One central issue in a lawsuit pushing for the FDA to revoke the approvals for dozens of phthalates is the standard that there be “reasonable certainty of no harm” for a chemical to be allowed on the market. Environmental groups argue that a substance should be banned if there is significant doubt about its safety.

    But for reevaluating chemicals already in use, FDA officials require proof that a substance causes harm before removing it, a harder bar to clear.

    FDA employees said the agency’s conservative approach requires clear evidence to ban or restrict chemicals, relying mostly on animal experiments rather than the many epidemiological studies showing links between exposure to phthalates and reproductive problems.

    Despite voluntary corporate efforts, the chemicals are still making their way into consumers’ bodies: Centers for Disease and Control Prevention survey data show remnants of phthalates in virtually all Americans’ urine.

    Last year, the Biden administration reorganized the food safety division, now called the Human Foods Program, which will set out to reevaluate old chemicals, including phthalates.

    Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has vowed to continue those reviews. President Donald Trump’s proposed budget asks for an additional 70 employees and $49 million to address “unsafe additives in our food supply.”

    A moving target

    While phthalates regulation has historically fallen mostly on the FDA, some experts say the EPA should now bear more responsibility since phthalates in the environment could be contaminating food before it’s even processed or packaged. Studies have shown the chemicals are broadly present in the environment, including in dust, rivers, and cow feed.

    “Saying it’s food and pointing to the people who regulate food is not solving the problem. In fact, it’s distracting people from what the problem actually is,” said Mitchell Cheeseman, who worked at the FDA for 20 years and led its Office of Food Additive Safety.

    For years, the EPA did little to regulate phthalates. In 1984 the agency set guidelines for plastics makers that put limits on discharging certain chemicals into waterways but put off action on phthalates.

    In 1992, the agency established a limit on DEHP for drinking water, based primarily on data about the chemical’s cancer risk, but did note the potential reproductive concerns, according to Betsy Southerland, former science and technology director in the EPA’s Office of Water. Only in 2015 did the EPA recommend limits, in voluntary guidelines, for manufacturers discharging five phthalates.

    Southerland said the agency failed to protect the public. “We knew about it in 1984,” said Southerland, who joined the EPA’s water office that year.

    The EPA started to review seven phthalates under the first Trump administration and has found that two of them pose a risk to factory workers, but not the public.

    But now the EPA’s chemical office has proposed reversing the Biden-era approach for evaluating toxic substances, potentially narrowing what exposure routes it considers and limiting broader actions on phthalates.

    Finding safer alternatives

    Other governments have taken a more aggressive approach to regulating phthalates.

    European Union regulators have placed much heavier restrictions on common phthalates, because they damage the reproductive system, operating under the precautionary principle that action should be taken when any activity raises the threat of serious harm to human health or the environment, even if there is not full scientific certainty.

    The EU has banned four phthalates in all but a narrow set of circumstances. And it has banned three additional phthalates in children’s toys and at least 12 in cosmetics.

    “A law, a regulation, is always stronger than everything that you can achieve with voluntary agreements among the industry,” said Anne-Sofie Backär, executive director of ChemSec, a European advocacy group.

    Safer Products for Washington is a program that focuses on preventing pollution and finding safer substitutes in the state. It assesses chemical classes and uses, rather than individual substances, said Marissa Smith, a toxicologist and the program’s technical lead, comparing a chemical’s hazardous properties to alternatives. If a safer substitute is available, then the chemical is phased out.

    Launched in 2019, the program reviews a new batch of chemical uses every five years. In its first round it found at least seven safer alternative chemicals for phthalates in vinyl flooring and a dozen alternatives for cosmetics. Sealants, caulks, and adhesives are now under scrutiny.

    Toxic-Free Future executive director Laurie Valeriano, who campaigned for the law, said this approach avoids the federal system’s pitfalls because comparing chemicals’ relative dangers is far easier than studying potential human exposure.

    Smith said some substitutes might still pose health risks.

    “That’s kind of a hard pill to swallow,” she said. “But it doesn’t mean that we still can’t make progress.”

    Gray said he was pleased the EPA is using his research in its current assessments of phthalates, as are governments around the world. But he acknowledged regulators have taken too long to act.

    “Why it took so long?” Gray asked. “I don’t know.”

    Studies show levels of phthalate exposure are declining in Americans’ urine. A Harvard study found that markers of DEHP in the urine of 1,900 people in Boston fell by at least 11.9% from 2000 to 2017, although levels of some substitutes rose. But that does not erase the fact that regulators failed for decades to protect pregnant women and children from high levels of exposure, Gray said.

    Gray’s own children had mostly grown up by the time he knew enough to be worried, meaning that he and other parents unknowingly dosed their children with phthalates over and over again.

    “There were decades where the exposures were really high,” he said. “You don’t know what the consequences of those exposures were.”

    Sitting on his neighbor’s porch, Gray recalled giving his children rubber duckies to play with in the bath. The danger now seems so clear: They were 40% phthalates.