If you like persnickety droids, precocious aliens, and scruffy-looking nerf herders, the Franklin Institute will be where it’s AT-AT next year when a new exhibit, “Star Wars: The Experience — A Journey Through the Galaxy,” premieres in February.
The interactive exhibit is part of the 50th anniversary celebration marking the 1977 debut of Star Wars Episode IV: A New Hope, the first film released in the sci-fi franchise.
Billed as the “largest and most comprehensive behind-the-scenes exhibition celebrating the Star Wars galaxy,” the 18,000-square-foot experience will feature more than 70 props from Lucasfilm’s archives, including Darth Vader’s costume, Darth Maul’s light-saber, and a speeder bike, according to a news release from the Franklin Institute.
The droids you are looking for, like R2-D2 and C-3PO, will be on display, along with beloved characters like Grogu (this is the way).
R2-D2 and C-3PO at world premiere of “Star Wars: The Rise of Skywalker” in 2019 in Los Angeles.
The experience was created over more than four years by the Franklin, Lucasfilm, Disney Consumer Products, and Orlando-based experiential design firm MDSX.
Specifics about the exhibition are scant, but it will include “large immersive moments” and RFID (radio frequency identification) technology that will allow for a personalized and interactive experience, the release said. Displays will delve into sound design, costume creation, fandom, gaming, and other aspects of the Star Wars universe.
More details and renderings of the exhibit will be released during a July 24 panel at San Diego Comic-Con called “The Making of Star Wars: The Experience.” The panel will feature representatives from the Franklin, Lucasfilm, and MDSX and will be moderated by Ashley Eckstein, the voice of Ahsoka Tano in several animated series including Star Wars: The Clone Wars.
“Star Wars: The Experience” will run at the Franklin from Feb. 13 to Sept. 6, 2027, and will be in place for May 4, the unofficial Star Wars holiday. (May the Fourth be with you.)
Star Wars fans gather in costume for Star Wars Day at the Franklin Institute in 2015.
After its Philly run, the exhibit will go on a five-year tour around North America.
“Star Wars created a cultural landscape that spans decades and delivers massive, undeniable global appeal,” said Larry Dubinski, president and CEO of the Franklin Institute, in a statement. “Its influence extends far beyond cinema — shaping entertainment, culture, technology, and business, while redefining how stories are created, experienced, and shared across generations.”
This is the second exhibit about the galaxy far, far, away that the Franklin has staged. Consider it Star Wars: The Franklin Strikes Back.
In 2008, the museum hosted “Star Wars: Where Science Meets Imagination,” which featured props, costumes, and a five-minute ride in a simulator of the Millennium Falcon’s cockpit. That touring exhibit was a collaboration between the Boston Museum of Science and Lucasfilm.
Two young padawans greet Boba Fett at the exhibit, “Star Wars: Where Science Meets Imagination,” in 2008 at the Franklin Institute.
The new experience, the Franklin says, will differ from the previous one in many ways.
“This exhibition is much larger in scale, more ambitious in scope, and powered by technologies that allow every guest to experience a custom story,” said Abby Bysshe, chief experience and strategy officer, in a statement
A lot has happened with the Star Wars franchise in the 18 years since the first exhibit was held at the Franklin. Luscasfilm was purchased by the Disney Company in 2012, there have been six new Star Wars movies, and more than a dozen new Star Wars shows.
When the last exhibit opened, Grogu wasn’t even a twinkle in Din Djarin’s eye and nobody had ever heard the name Cassian Andor.
Now, they have friends everywhere.
Tickets for “Star Wars: The Experience — A Journey Through the Galaxy” will go on sale in November.
If you didn’t believe it before, you need to understand it now: Donald Trump never should have picked up that phone, never should have put in that call to one of his toadies, FIFA president Gianni Infantino, and never should have tried to exert his icky influence in a sport rife with corruption.
The 4-1 loss by the U.S. men’s national team to Belgium on Monday night at Lumen Field in Seattle was a fitting result. It was an embarrassing end to the World Cup for the home country. It was cosmic payback for a club that hoped to benefit from a president who wanted to strongarm Team USA into the quarterfinals and found out that sports can resist even an autocrat’s attempts to stack the deck.
Sometimes, once you show you’re willing to wallow in the mud, you can never wash the stain away. The justifications for the Trump administration’s overtures to FIFA to wipe out the one-game suspension for Folarin Balogun — and for FIFA’s acquiescence — were oh-so easy and obvious: This is FIFA.
U.S. forward Folarin Balogun (20) was the center of attention against Belgium in the World Cup’s round of 16 on Monday.
This is an organization with a history of scandal and corruption so long and detailed that Robert Caro could only begin to chronicle it. This kind of back-scratching and deal-making is nothing new at soccer’s highest level. This is how things work, and everyone knows it and holds their nose against the stench, and all the complaints from Belgium and the other countries left in the World Cup were nothing but rank hypocrisy.
If another national team were in the same situation that the USMNT found itself after Balogun was hit with that questionable (at best) red card last Wednesday against Bosnia and Herzegovina, its president or prime minister would have done the same thing Trump did, right? Any means necessary in an every-country-for-itself system, right?
Wrong. The corrective to dishonor and dishonesty isn’t to do more dishonorable things. Yet that was the remedy that Trump sought and put Team USA in the position of accepting. No, Balogun never deserved a red card and the subsequent suspension. Yes, it was a terrible call. But terrible calls happen at all levels of sports, because sports — at least until the gamblers and robots take them over completely — are officiated and overseen by human beings, and errors and mistakes are part of the game.
Stuff happens, and you deal with it as best as you can, and no one gets a do-over days later just because Donald Trump says so. His actions wouldn’t have been appropriate in youth soccer — imagine a parent of a punished player pressuring a league’s commissioner to lift a suspension and the commissioner giving in — let alone in the biggest sporting event on the globe.
What’s more, Trump and those who supported or tolerated his interference in The Balogun Affair apparently never stopped to consider that he might be damaging his own national team’s chances. In that 2-0 victory over Bosnia, Balogun’s teammates not only survived the final 26-plus minutes of the match without him but also scored shorthanded to extend their lead.
They had become underdogs. They had acquired the momentum that comes with being a team that had to fight adversity and had given a strong indication that it could overcome it.
But once FIFA reversed its decision, that entire narrative — that sense that the USMNT might use Balogun’s suspension as inspiration and triumph in the face of an unjust call — disappeared. Now, the USMNT wasn’t the tough, resilient bunch that could withstand the absence of its best player. Now it was so out of its depth without Balogun that it needed the shady political boss to cut a deal in the smoke-filled room to bail it out.
Belgium players react after their team scored one of four goals against the United States in Monday’s round-of-16 World Cup match.
Well, the Americans fit that pathetic profile Monday night. They allowed Belgium to take an early lead, then gave up the winning goal just 61 seconds after Malik Tillman tied the game at 1, then conspired to commit a crushing gaffe when goalkeeper Matt Freese played the ball outside the box, burped it up, and watched Hans Vanaken roll a shot past him for a two-goal Belgium edge.
They were outplayed, outmatched, and outclassed, their performance all the more humiliating for the strings that their president had pulled for them, for the message that he had sent about their chances.
Donald Trump told the world that these athletes needed a man willing to act like a mob boss to make things easier for them, that the USMNT wasn’t strong enough to take home victory on its own and without his help. It turned out he was right. He treated them like losers, and on Monday night, they met his expectations.
It’s a little past 3 p.m. on the Friday before the Fourth of July. The Flyers’ development camp had wrapped up a few hours ago, and all that seemed to be on the agenda were new contracts for their four restricted free agents, including Trevor Zegras and Jamie Drysdale.
Then the notifications went off. The text messages. The emails.
Six words sent the hockey world afire: “We have tendered an offer sheet.”
What is the offer sheet the Flyers tendered to Carlsson?
An offer sheet is tendered to a player on another team who is a restricted free agent and who was provided a qualifying offer. In this case, the Ducks, who own Carlsson’s rights, had until July 1, the start of free agency, to negotiate an exclusive contract without worry of an offer sheet.
The Flyers’ offer is a five-year contract worth an average annual value of $18 million. According to a league source, it is front-loaded with a heavy signing bonus — and signing bonuses every ensuing year of the deal. Carlsson would receive the league minimum in base salary every year.
According to PuckPedia, the final year has a no-movement clause.
Anaheim Ducks general manager Pat Verbeek must consider the team’s next move on Leo Carlsson.
The announcement means that Carlsson, 21, has accepted the offer. It would make him the highest-paid player in AAV in the NHL and would walk him directly to unrestricted free agency.
It all comes just two days after Flyers general manager Danny Brière made some interesting comments on the first day of free agency, like stating that if the organization has an opportunity to make the roster better, “we’ll jump on it,” and “There’s a chance, and a good chance, that we take a little bit of a step back this year.”
Was that a tell with the first part and a sleight of hand on the second as the Flyers try to get the first-line center they’ve been craving for years?
According to the collective bargaining agreement, the Ducks have seven days to match the offer, which means they have until 3 p.m. Friday.
If they match, the Ducks must meet the structure of the contract and pay Carlsson the signing bonuses — something Anaheim rarely doles out — along with taking on the $18 million salary cap hit.
It could come down to the final day, and it should be noted that the Utah Mammoth are weighing a similar decision after the New Jersey Devils tendered an offer sheet to Barrett Hayton. That offer sheet is for one year, $4.775 million, and Utah must decide by Wednesday.
The interesting part is that Sportsnet insider Elliotte Friedman reported on Thursday that he had heard “over the past few hours Anaheim guaranteed it will match any attempt on Leo Carlsson.” The clock is ticking.
The two teams could still work out a side trade for Carlsson to preempt Anaheim’s decision to match, but if the Ducks match, they would be unable to trade him for one year.
What compensation would the Ducks receive from the Flyers?
If the Ducks do not match the offer sheet, they will receive four first-round picks in the next four drafts from the Flyers. The compensation is based on the amount of the offer, and because it is over $11,939,166.
Since Philly has all its own picks moving forward — it is not permitted to use the first-rounder it is receiving from the Toronto Maple Leafs as compensation here — the Ducks would receive the Flyers’ first-round picks in 2027, 2028, 2029 and 2030. Had the Flyers already traded one of their picks in the next four drafts, they would have been required to provide the 2031 first-rounder for the missing year.
The Flyers are one of 28 teams that still have four picks in the next five years to tender an offer sheet. Having just made the postseason for the first time since 2020, the hope is that the four picks the Flyers would give to Anaheim would be in the 20s or worse, and not a lottery pick. The Flyers’ expectation is that it would not be a player as highly valued as Carlsson, who is a first-line center.
Leo Carlsson’s offer sheet brings about potential roster construction complications for the Ducks and Flyers.
How does the Carlsson offer sheet impact the Flyers and Ducks?
If the Ducks match
According to PuckPedia, the Flyers would have a smidge over $29.5 million in cap space; however, that number includes center Jett Luchanko‘s contract ($941,667), and Brière told The Inquirer in early June that the expectation is he will be in Lehigh Valley of the American Hockey League. They do have to re-sign restricted free agents Drysdale, Zegras, Nikita Grebenkin, and Hunter McDonald, who is expected to be in the minors.
The Ducks would then be the ones saddled with an $18 million AAV. The problem? As of Monday night, they have just under $10 million in cap space after signing Pavel Mintyukov to a five-year deal with an AAV of $7.2 million. They still have to sign restricted free agent forward and ex-Flyers draft pick Cutter Gauthier, who scored 41 goals this past season, and defenseman Tyson Hinds. Anaheim could try to move out some players like Chris Kreider, Frank Vatrano, and Alex Killorn; however, they all have modified no-trade clauses, so trade partners are limited. Troy Terry could also be placed on long-term injured reserve, but that would impact the Ducks’ salary cap at the deadline and next season.
Fitting Leo Carlsson’s salary into the roster could mean trade talks for Rasmus Ristolainen escalate.
If the Ducks do not match
The Flyers would be the ones saddled with an $18 million AAV and would have a little over $12.5 million in cap space — with Luchanko being sent down — to sign Zegras and Drysdale to NHL contracts. Grebenkin could land in the minors to start, along with McDonald, so those contracts would not impact the cap space. Zegras and Drysdale’s new deals are expected to combine for in the neighborhood of $15 million, so if the Flyers do land Carlsson, they would likely have to move out a contract or two. Does Rasmus Ristolainen finally get moved, or does a forward get moved to help stabilize things up front?
The Ducks would probably still have to move out a contract to sign Gauthier, who will likely ask for more than $10 million.
What would Carlsson bring to the Flyers?
Although some would argue the amount is an overpayment, Carlsson is a 6-foot-3, 208-pound dynamic center coming off a breakout season in which he had 29 goals and 67 points in 70 games. He missed time after sustaining a Morel-Lavallée lesion in his left thigh in mid-January but returned after the Olympic break and scored 11 goals and 23 points in 26 games. According to Physiopedia, a Morel-Lavallée lesion is “due to shearing forces which separate the skin and subcutaneous tissue from the deep fascia.”
The 21-year-old ex-teammate of Zegras and Drysdale has size, speed, playmaking ability, and a lethal shot. Selected second overall in the 2023 NHL draft, Carlsson had four goals and 11 points in 12 playoff games last season, his first postseason experience. Across 201 career games, he has 141 points (61 goals and 80 assists) with a 14.7 shooting percentage, and he should be able to help the Flyers’ dismal power play after scoring four goals and 18 points last season with the man advantage. He would have tied Matvei Michkov for second in power-play goals, and the 18 points would have been the second-most on the Flyers behind Zegras.
Carlsson is a No. 1 center with tremendous upside given his young age. The Flyers have needed a top-line pivot since trading Claude Giroux, who, despite some rumblings of a reunion, appears to be staying in Ottawa with the Senators. Carlsson would fit in quite nicely with right winger Porter Martone on the top line, and then, more than likely, speedster Owen Tippett on the left.
Did Carlsson’s offer sheet impact Zegras’ and Drysdale’s negotiations?
The long and short of it all is … kinda.
Obviously, Zegras and Drysdale have not signed their new contracts yet, and it feels like everything is on hold until the decision about Carlsson is made. As mentioned, they are expected to combine for a figure in the neighborhood of $15 million, and there is still the question of whether Zegras will be paid like a winger or a center; typically, centers get paid more.
Hearings are scheduled to run from July 20 to Aug. 1, and until they begin, the team and player can still negotiate a deal. If it does go to the arbitrator, they can award only a one- or two-year contract. Because it was a player’s choice, the Flyers will select the term length, and if Philly selects a two-year contract, the player will walk to unrestricted free agency. If it is for one year, the player would be a restricted free agent next summer.
Could Adam Fantilli be a Plan B for the Flyers?
What is Plan B if the Ducks match?
Finding a true No. 1 center has long been the Flyers’ goal, so what happens if they do not get Carlsson? According to Aaron Portzline of The Athletic, there have been rumblings that the Flyers could pivot to Adam Fantilli of the Columbus Blue Jackets.
Fantilli, 21, is a restricted free agent center, so they could try either another offer sheet or a trade. The Canadian center just registered career highs in assists (35), points (59), power-play goals (four), power-play points (13), average time on ice (18 minutes, 54 seconds), and face-off winning percentage (49.8%). Across his 213 career games, Fantilli has 140 points (67 goals, 73 assists).
When they added them up, Robin and Andy Glass counted 11 children under age 4 on the block where, in 2018, they were considering a three-story rowhouse on a quiet street.
The couple had been renting in Washington Square West when they bought the three-bedroom, 2½-bathroom house that summer.
And for their two boys, now aged 8 and 6, they liked being in the Edwin M. Stanton School catchment area.
Kitchen and dining area. There are hardwood floors throughout the house.
It was also convenient to Robin’s job in admissions at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania and Andy’s job in nonprofit lending at Wells Fargo.
“We’re staying in the neighborhood,” Robin said, moving four blocks away to a larger house, also in the Stanton catchment.
There are hardwood floors throughout the 2,070-square-foot house.
Living room
The first floor has a living room, dining room, and kitchen, with access to the back patio.
The kitchen area has a pantry, granite countertops, stainless steel appliances, a tiled backsplash, and a center island with seating. The view out the window over the kitchen sink is the backyard with its white privacy fence.
The second floor has two bedrooms, a hallway linen closet, and a full bathroom. One of the bedrooms has an alcove suitable for a home office and a shared hallway bathroom with a shower/tub combination, custom tile, and a vanity.
Primary bedroom is on the third floor, with direct access to the rooftop deck.
The third floor has the primary suite with direct access to the roof deck. The bathroom has a walk-in closet, a walk-in tiled shower, an extra linen closet, and a jetted soaking tub.
The fully finished basement with a half bathroom and extra living space could be converted to a fourth bedroom, fitness center, media room, or office. It contains a Murphy bed.
Backyard with white privacy fence.
The HVAC system was replaced about two years ago.
The house is listed by Jenn Geddes of KW Empower for $675,000.
ANKARA, Turkey — President Donald Trump arrived in Ankara Tuesday afternoon for the NATO summit, as the transatlantic military alliance was announcing billions in arms deals in an attempt to appease the mercurial U.S. leader.
Trump was expected to head first to the presidential compound of Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, a close ally who is hosting this year’s gathering.
Just before Air Force One touched down in Ankara, NATO showcased a series of military projects worth billions of dollars — an investment that the alliance’s secretary-general, Mark Rutte, called “money well spent.” An energized Rutte was speaking to government ministers and defense industry officials at a forum billed as NATO’s “big reveal,” to the thrum of techno music and a slick video display.
NATO as an organization does not own any weapons — these are the property of the 32 member countries — but it does have a fleet of 14 AWACS early warning radar surveillance planes that are about 50 years old, along with some newer surveillance drones.
A deal to replace the aging planes was announced Tuesday. Swedish manufacturer Saab will be supplying up to 10 new GlobalEye surveillance aircraft for a 10-nation consortium, Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson announced.
“It’s a moment of great pride,” he said, noting that the twin-engine aircraft would be “made within the alliance for all the alliance.”
Some of the projects will be paid for with funds from a system of cheap loans for defense purposes set up by the European Union, comprising up to $170 billion raised on capital markets.
“We need to ensure that we are translating our economic might into military capabilities, putting the cash to work from defense plans to drones, from money to missiles and interceptors,” Rutte said.
Trump has branded NATO a “paper tiger” that would cease to function without American arms and leadership. At the forum on Tuesday, Michael Duffy, a U.S. undersecretary of defense, said “the reality is that we need production increases across the board.”
“We will be looking to increase our exports to those who are looking to buy our equipment, and we’ll also be looking to partner with the expansion of production capacity here in Europe,” he said.
Defense sales announced
Representatives from 15 nations shook hands and patted shoulders on a vast podium under the NATO logo as they announced a multinational effort to buy air-to-air refueling and transport planes from Airbus.
Then Rutte announced a four-country effort to purchase as many as five new Triton surveillance drones to add to NATO’s small fleet.
“It is genuinely made in NATO, and creating jobs on both sides of the Atlantic,” he said.
Rutte told reporters on the eve of the military alliance’s two-day summit in Turkey that “we will announce tens of billions in new contracts that will provide the crucial kit we need to deter and defend.”
However, at Tuesday’s event, no dollar figures were given and the display included some projects long since agreed.
The defense industry splash comes a few weeks after Rutte tried to ease U.S. concerns about military spending at NATO with a new pitch using a chart labeled “The Trump Trillion” — showing $1.2 trillion in spending by European allies and Canada since 2017.
Far from being impressed, Trump appeared unmoved, saying he was still disappointed at some NATO allies’ refusal to join the Iran war, which he had launched alongside Israel without consulting them.
“We don’t need their money — we don’t need anything,” Trump said. “I just want loyalty.”
Debate over jet sales to Turkey
The summit is being held in President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s sprawling palace compound in Ankara, and Trump has suggested he would come bearing gifts for the Turkish leader.
Speaking Monday on the morning show “Fox & Friends,” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu urged the U.S. not to sell F-35 fighter jets to Turkey, saying that Erdogan “calls openly for the annihilation of Israel.”
Turkey and Israel have acrimonious relations. Erdogan frequently accuses Israel of committing genocide in its war in Gaza, triggered by the deadly Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack on southern Israel.
Turkey was barred from the F-35 program in 2019 after it purchased Russian-made S-400 missile defense systems. However, Trump, who has warm relations with Erdogan, has hinted ahead of his planned visit to Ankara that the sales could soon resume.
Netanyahu said selling Turkey F-35s would “upset the power balance in the Middle East, which is ultimately guaranteed by Israeli air superiority and also, I think, by America’s posture in the Middle East.”
Israel’s Air Force depends on hundreds of U.S. fighter jets, including F-35s, F-16s and F-15s.
Turkey beefed up security and banned protests in Ankara during the summit, but a small group of demonstrators gathered on Tuesday in the capital. They were quickly surrounded by police, and a legal association said 22 students affiliated with the leftist Turkish Workers Party and three lawyers had been detained.
Seeking a stronger Europe for a stronger NATO
The focus of the summit is a stronger Europe for a stronger NATO. The Trump administration has warned the allies that they must handle Europe’s security alone as the United States focuses on China and the Indo-Pacific region.
The Pentagon wants a reboot and is promoting what it calls “NATO 3.0,” a vision of the alliance in which Europe assumes greater responsibility for its own defense, freeing the U.S. to concentrate on other priorities.
But hiking defense spending means increasing taxes or diverting resources from other priorities. U.K. Defense Secretary John Healey unexpectedly quit last month, saying the British government was not willing to spend at a time of rising threats.
Concern is mounting among some northern and central eastern countries that Russia might be preparing a hybrid attack — a combination of conventional warfare with tactics like cyberattacks — on the continent as Russian President Vladimir Putin struggles to secure victory in Ukraine.
Keir Starmer’s office said the British leader will be “focused on building a stronger and more European NATO” on what is likely to be his last foreign trip as prime minister.
Starmer, who announced his resignation June 22, has faced criticism from military leaders, opposition politicians and some in his center-left party for the slow rate of increase in U.K. military spending.
His government has committed to reach the NATO budget target of spending 3.5% of gross domestic product on defense by 2035 but does not have a concrete plan to get there. Its current spending plan will see that spending hit 2.7% of GDP by 2029.
With the 2026 midterm elections shaping up to be one of the most consequential in recent memory, President Donald Trump has gone on offense — not only against Democrats, but also against Republicans who he has accused of disloyalty. In fact, in recent primary elections, Trump has targeted candidates in his own party, from those running for state office to U.S. senators seeking reelection, including John Cornyn and Bill Cassidy.
Most of those targeted by Trump have lost, which has sent a clear message: there is no longer room for debate within the GOP; only complete allegiance to MAGA orthodoxy — and by extension to Trump himself — is acceptable. This is a far cry from the GOP of yesteryear, which comfortably included staunch conservatives like Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan, as well as a robust moderate-to-liberal wing centered in the Northeast, upper Midwest and on the West Coast. In Pennsylvania and New Jersey alone, moderate Republicans like Hugh Scott Jr., Arlen Specter, Thomas Kean Sr. and Christie Whitman, routinely won Senate and gubernatorial elections into the 21st century.
In fact, an often-forgotten chapter in the career of Richard Nixon — the president most often compared with Trump — vividly illustrates that the ideological boundaries in the GOP were once quite malleable. Nixon regularly shapeshifted and operated across multiple wings of the GOP as he rose from congressman to senator to vice president, and finally, to president. Yet, as Republicans have become more ideologically rigid, such moves have become increasingly difficult, replaced by debates over who qualifies as a “real Republican” — and who is a Republican in Name Only (RINO).”
The Richard Nixon who embarked on a political career in 1945 was nothing like the figure who resigned the presidency in disgrace three decades later. When he launched his first campaign in California’s 12th Congressional District, Nixon pledged to local Republicans that he would wage an “aggressive, vigorous campaign on a platform of practical liberalism” to defeat the popular incumbent congressman, Jerry Voorhis.
At this time, Nixon modeled himself on Republican Harold Stassen, the former “boy wonder” governor of Minnesota. Stassen had built a national reputation in the late 1930s for his bipartisan “middle way” approach to governance, which blended fiscal discipline, civil service reform and bipartisan labor legislation. By 1943, when he resigned from the governorship to serve in the Navy during World War II, Stassen had become one of the country’s most prominent progressive Republicans.
In Stassen’s success, Nixon saw a model for how a newcomer could win over liberal and independent voters in California. He wrote to the Minnesotan, “I have been very interested in following your campaign to liberalize the Republican Party because I feel strongly that the party must adopt a constructive progressive program in order to merit the support of voters.” Key to this program was retooling the principles of Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt’s vaunted New Deal instead of rejecting them outright like many conservative Republicans did.
This formula included accepting popular New Deal programs like Social Security — and even bolstering them. It also involved advocating against American isolationism and in favor of increased international cooperation. On labor rights — another thorny issue — Nixon, like Stassen, sought a middle ground: he supported arbitration to avoid strikes, while balancing the interests of workers and management. In a campaign speech, Nixon claimed that he “would not be a candidate if he were not strongly in favor of unions and small business.”
This platform proved successful for Nixon, who the Minneapolis Star Tribune dubbed a “Stassen Candidate.”
Shortly after he upset Voorhis and became the representative-elect for the 12th District, a former Whittier College classmate wrote to Nixon to offer “hearty congratulations” — despite being a Democrat who hadn’t voted for him. Nixon’s progressive message resonated with his former classmate, who expressed hope not only for Nixon’s success but “for the success of the progressive and liberal elements” within the Republican Party.
In the coming years, Nixon would dash this hope as he illustrated the ease with which politicians moved between ideological camps in the GOP. During his early years in Congress, Nixon hung his hat not on the progressive vision of Stassen, but on staunch anti-Communism and red baiting. In 1947, Nixon joined the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), where his pursuit of former State Department official Alger Hiss generated national attention. The case helped transform Nixon from an anonymous freshman congressman into one of the nation’s most prominent anticommunists.
In 1950, Nixon further cemented his anti-Communist reputation during a successful Senate campaign against Rep. Helen Gahagan Douglas, who he portrayed as soft on Communism by repeatedly linking her voting record to that of left-wing Congressman Vito Marcantonio.
Nixon’s reputation as an anti-Communist crusader compelled Dwight Eisenhower to select him for the 1952 GOP ticket as an olive branch to disgruntled conservatives after he beat their preferred candidate for the nomination, Ohio Sen. Robert Taft.
Eisenhower’s election was a victory for progressive Republicans as he promised an era of “Modern Republicanism” — which paired a commitment to free enterprise with a belief that the government had an obligation to improve society and provide a basic social safety net.
The GOP’s right flank derided this philosophy, and Nixon often spent time mediating between the two wings of the party. His ability to move comfortably between the camps reflected the ideological flexibility that still characterized the Republican Party during the 1950s.
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Yet, even as he tried to reassure conservatives, Nixon embraced Modern Republicanism; he represented the Eisenhower administration abroad, including during his highly publicized exchanges with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. This engagement reflected the desire to contain communism through diplomacy and alliances, and the administration’s internationalist approach.
Domestically, Nixon served as the administration’s point man on civil rights, supporting measures such as the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and overseeing efforts to combat employment discrimination through his leadership of the President’s Committee on Government Contracts. In 1958, Martin Luther King Jr. expressed his belief that “Nixon would have done much more to meet the present crisis in race relations than President Eisenhower has done.”
In 1960, Nixon embarked on his first presidential campaign. During an October question-and-answer session at the University of Southern California, the vice president turned to the question of whether he considered himself a liberal or a conservative.
He started by offering a definition of liberalism from Roosevelt. “A liberal is a man who wants to build bridges over the chasms that separate humanity from a better life,” Nixon explained. To him that meant, “we’re all liberals … We all want a better life.” Nixon concluded his answer by describing himself as a “practical progressive” — an echo of the “practical liberalism” he embraced during his 1946 campaign.
Nixon went on to lose that race narrowly. But in 1968, he rebounded, by once again successfully navigating the party’s competing factions. He appealed to conservatives with his Southern Strategy and rhetorical emphasis on “law and order,” while reassuring moderates that he remained an experienced and pragmatic Republican.
As president, he did some things that were progressive by today’s standards, including enacting the first federal affirmative action program and signing the Clean Air and Clean Water Acts. Simultaneously, however, he tangled with the liberal wing of his party over Vietnam and several Supreme Court appointments, and he vetoed legislation to provide federally funded daycare for children.
Nixon is typically remembered for helping to usher in the populist conservative tide that would eventually sweep GOP politics. Today, he’s often compared with Trump because of his embrace of white grievance politics, his demands for personal loyalty and his abuse of power.
Yet, his career also highlights how the Republican Party once had a vibrant and popular progressive and moderate wing. When Nixon launched his career, the idea of branding someone a RINO would have been far-fetched because the GOP comfortably managed to include staunch conservatives like Taft, as well as progressives like Stassen. The progressive or moderate wing of the party survived into the 1990s and 2000s; in Pennsylvania, Specter won the first of five Senate terms in 1980, while in New Jersey, Kean and Whitman both served as governors in the 1980s and 1990s.
Yet, their careers tell the story of what happened as the brand of populist conservatism that Nixon capitalized on to win the presidency gained steam: In 2009, Specter switched parties and became a Democrat for his last years in the Senate, and Whitman is now a national co-chair of the Forward Party, and has endorsed Democrats in the last threepresidentialelections.
Their departures reflected the rise of a new hard-line conservative Republican base with little tolerance for moderation or compromise. The collapse of the GOP’s liberal wing made today’s battles of who counts as a “real Republican” not just possible, but inevitable.
Gaetano V. Della Torre is a New Jersey-based historian and educator. His article “Nixon’s Practical Liberalism: How Richard Nixon Tapped Harold Stassen’s Progressive Vision in 1946” is forthcoming in the Southern California Quarterly.
Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of The Inquirer.
A woman who previously dated Maine Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner said he drunkenly forced her to have sex after she told him to stop, according to a Politico report released Monday, leading prominent supporters to pull their endorsements and throwing a must-win race for the party into turmoil.
Platner denied the allegation, but said he would be considering next steps for his campaign.
“Regardless of the inaccuracy of the reporting but mindful of the political reality it will inflict, we’re taking the time to reflect on the best path forward,” he said in a video released on social media.
Jenny Racicot, who lives in Maine, told Politico that Platner entered her home in 2021 while drunk and assaulted her. Racicot said she had been in an on-and-off relationship with Platner, but she cut off contact with him after that night and told him the incident wasn’t consensual. A voicemail left at a number listed for Racicot seeking comment did not receive an immediate response, but she said in a CNN interview on Monday evening that she opted not to fight back for fear of Platner, a former Marine, becoming more violent.
“He violated multiple layers of consent that night,” Racicot said.
Platner’s campaign did not immediately respond to an email and phone message from The Associated Press seeking comment.
“Any accusation of non-consensual behavior is categorically false,” Platner said in his video.
Uproar in the Democratic Party
Platner won the Democratic nomination last month, setting himself up to face Republican Sen. Susan Collins, who has beaten back previous attempts to dislodge her from the seat that she’s held for nearly three decades.
Although Platner has long been controversial, the sexual allegation sparked a flight away from the candidate, who canceled a handful of town hall events. The main campaign arm of Senate Democrats called on Platner to drop out and said it would spend no money on the race, which is considered critical to control of the chamber, if he is the nominee.
“Graham Platner needs to immediately withdraw as the Democratic nominee for Senate and allow Maine Democrats the opportunity to choose a new candidate who can defeat Susan Collins,” Kirsten Gillibrand, chair of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, and Chuck Schumer, the top Senate Democrat, said in a joint statement.
The Democratic National Committee sent out an email soliciting money for Senate races hours after the Politico report posted, but Maine was not one of them. Ken Martin, the party chair, said, “Maine Democrats should select a new nominee.”
Rep. Ro Khanna, a California Democrat who stood by Platner even as the candidate faced previous controversies, said Monday’s allegation was enough. “I’ve been very clear that sexual assault or violence against women is a red line,” Khanna said. “These allegations are very serious and credible. Graham Platner should drop out from the race. I am withdrawing my endorsement.”
Arizona Sen. Ruben Gallego and Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren announced they were pulling their endorsements and called on Platner to drop out. The Democratic leaders of Maine’s legislature and top officials at the state Democratic Party did the same.
“This Senate race comes at a pivotal moment in the struggle against a government, supported by Senator Collins, that serves the interests of the wealthy and powerful at the expense of ordinary Maine people. It is essential that we refocus this campaign on that struggle,” party chair Charlie Dingman, vice chair Imke Schessler and executive director Devon Murphy-Anderson said in a joint statement.
Collins issued only a brief statement.
“These allegations are appalling,” she said. “Nevertheless, it is not up to me to choose the Democratic nominee for Senate.”
State law allows Platner to be replaced on the ballot if he withdraws by July 13. The replacement candidate must be named by July 27.
The Associated Press generally does not name victims of sexual assault, but in this case Racicot spoke in an interview with Politico.
A succession of campaign controversies
Platner had never before held elected office, and Democratic leaders in Washington preferred Gov. Janet Mills in the primary. However, Mills, 78, dropped out as Platner, 41, consolidated support with help from progressive leaders at a time when Democratic voters have grown disenchanted with the party establishment.
While some Democrats came around to support him after his commanding primary win, Platner’s controversial history had already left others openly despairing of their chances of winning the race. A veteran who also worked for a private security contractor, Platner has a chest tattoo recognized as a Nazi symbol, reportedly sexted with other women shortly after getting married and had a history of inflammatory comments on social media.
In 2013, Platner posted on Reddit that people shouldn’t get so drunk “they wind up having sex with someone they don’t mean to” and that sexual assault victims should “just take some responsibility for themselves.” He’s since apologized for the post and says he no longer holds those beliefs.
The New York Times also reported that Platner had volatile relationships with previous girlfriends, one of whom said an argument became physical. Platner denied the allegation.
Hasan Piker, a leftist commentator and streamer who backed Platner, seemed to reverse himself Monday following the Politico report.
“If new evidence presents itself, I’m going to change my perspective — it’s that simple,” Piker said during a livestream on Twitch, adding: “This is a clear-cut instance of verifiable sexual assault allegations. It’s completely irredeemable.”
Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, said Platner should withdraw because the allegations “are too serious to treat as a distraction from the campaign or the issues.”
It also hinted at the potential battle over who would replace Platner.
“Whoever leads this movement forward must be someone who has actually lived the fight Graham Platner ran on: a record with working people, with unions, against corporate money, already tested and trusted by the same base that delivered this result,” said a statement from Joseph Geevarghese, executive director of Our Revolution.
Platner had pitched himself as a blue-collar oysterman and veteran who could reach disaffected voters. But as controversies mounted, some state Democrats had heartburn, embodied by Mills’ refusal to endorse Platner after she dropped out of the primary. Chatter circulated about possible replacements, including former state senator and logger Troy Jackson and Secretary of State Shenna Bellows.
“I’ve known this has been coming,” said Marie Follayttar, a Democrat and community organizer in Maine, talking about the growing whispers inside the state’s small population that had been bracing for yet another revelation surrounding Platner. “I’ve been scared and I’ve been sick waiting.”
Mike Connelly, a business owner and Democrat in Brunswick, Maine, said in an interview that he wants Platner to drop out after the latest allegations. But Connelly said he’d vote for him if he stays in.
“I would vote for a comatose Democrat before I would vote for Susan Collins,” Connelly said.
NEW YORK — After decades of reliable bipartisan backing for Israel, a new AP-NORC poll reveals a dramatic erosion of support for the longtime U.S. ally, with rising opposition from Democrats and signs of division among Republicans.
The survey by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research arrives at a moment when a once-consensus foreign policy issue is increasingly polarizing Americans along partisan and generational lines, driven by criticism for Israel’s conduct nearly three years after the outbreak of its latest war with Hamas in Gaza.
About one-third of U.S. adults — including roughly half of Democrats — believe that Israel has committed genocide against Palestinians during the war in Gaza, an accusation that’s been leveled by some human rights organizations and vehemently denied by Israel and the U.S. government. About 2 in 10 Americans say Israel has not and the rest, about half, don’t know enough to say.
A similar share, 30%, of Jewish adults say Israel has committed genocide, although about half, 49%, say it has not.
Harold Kalmus, a 69-year-old Democrat from Arden, Delaware who describes himself as Jewish by birth, said he remembers being proud of Israel when he was younger. Not anymore.
“I realize that there is a threat from Hamas. And I realize they’re in a very difficult situation, but what they have done is just an unspeakable horror,” he said of Israel’s military action against the Palestinians. “They’re trying to wipe out a civilization as far as I’m concerned.”
The findings show sharply eroded views of Israel in the U.S., nearly three years after Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7, 2023, which left 1,200 people dead in Israel, mainly civilians, while 251 hostages were taken back to Gaza. More than 73,000 Palestinians have died in Gaza according to the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry, which doesn’t distinguish between civilian and militant deaths, including more than 1,000 killed since the beginning of the latest ceasefire. American sympathies had been shifting toward the Palestinians and away from the Israelis since around 2020, according to other polling, but has nose-dived since the latest war in Gaza began.
Many Americans, about 4 in 10, don’t know enough to say whether Israel’s immediate military response to Hamas’ attack or its ongoing military operations were justified. Among those who did have an opinion in each case, most say the initial retaliation was justified — but a majority think its current actions are not.
About three-quarters of Jewish adults said Israel’s initial response was justified, but only about 4 in 10 believe that about its ongoing operations.
Only about one-third of U.S. adults view Israel as an “extremely” or “very” important issue to them personally. But it’s been a searing topic in American politics as the relationship between the two countries remains tense, just four months before high-stakes midterm elections determine the balance of power in Congress for President Donald Trump’s final two years in office. Vice President JD Vance recently criticized Israeli leaders who have expressed frustration with Trump, while vocal critics of Israel recently defeated establishment-backed Democrats in New York and Colorado primaries.
Democrats’ support for Israel drops
The AP-NORC poll reveals a decisive shift within the Democratic Party.
About 58% of Democrats now say the U.S. is “too supportive” of the Israelis, up from 45% in an AP-NORC poll from January 2024 when former President Joe Biden was in office. That includes 51% of Jewish Democrats in the new poll.
Roughly 6 in 10 Democrats, 62%, say the U.S. is “not supportive enough” of the Palestinians, up from 49% in 2024. Younger Democrats — those 45 and younger — are still more likely than older ones to say that the United States is “not supportive enough” of the Palestinians, but older Democrats are catching up to their younger counterparts. About 57% of older Democrats now say the U.S. should do more for the Palestinians, up from 39% two years ago.
Joy Jennik, a 73-year-old Democrat from Brookfield, Wisconsin, said she didn’t have strong opinions about the U.S. relationship with Israel until after Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack.
Now, she believes Israel is guilty of genocide.
“The Gaza Strip, there’s not a lot left of it. Those poor people are barely living,” said Jennik, a retired home economics teacher.
GOP stays behind Israel, but less so among young Republicans
Just a sliver of Republicans, 13%, describe Israel’s actions as genocide, although there is an apparent age gap. About 2 in 10 Republicans under 45 say Israel has committed genocide, while about 1 in 10 Republicans ages 45 and older say the same.
Overall, 60% of Republicans describe the U.S. support for Israel as “about right.” Only about 2 in 10 Republicans say that the United States is “too supportive” of the Israelis, although Republicans under 45 are more likely to say this.
The share of Republicans overall who say the U.S. is “too supportive” of Israel has not changed meaningfully since 2024, but the share who say the U.S. is “not supportive enough” has shrunk from 39% to 15%.
Mike Cardona, a 70-year-old Republican from suburban Phoenix, said he’s pleased with the level of support that the U.S. is giving Israel and rejects the notion that Israel has committed genocide.
“I wish they’d gone in harder and better,” Cardona, a retired industrial supply salesperson said of Israel’s military action in Gaza. “Unfortunately, some innocents will be hurt, but Hamas and Hezbollah never took that into consideration when they were killing children and women in Israel.”
Netanyahu is broadly unpopular, while views of Mamdani are split
In interviews, several respondents emphasized that their criticism of Israel was focused on its leaders, especially Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is perceived as closely aligned with Trump after repeated clashes with Democratic presidents.
Overall, only 20% of U.S. adults have a favorable view of the Israeli prime minister, while about twice as many, 38%, have an unfavorable view. About 41% don’t know enough to have an opinion.
Netanyahu is particularly unpopular among Jewish adults: about 6 in 10 view him unfavorably, while about one-third see him positively.
Younger adults, regardless of party, are more likely than older adults to say they don’t have an opinion about Netanyahu. But while older Republicans see Netanyahu more positively than negatively, younger Republicans’ views tilt unfavorably.
New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has gained prominence as an outspoken critic of Israel, and 27% of U.S. adults have a favorable opinion of the 34-year-old democratic socialist. Another 28% of U.S. adults have an unfavorable opinion, while 44% don’t know enough to say.
Jewish adults, who overwhelmingly identify as Democrats, have a more positive view of Mamdani than of Netanyahu, with 44% viewing the New York City mayor positively, 39% viewing him negatively, and 17% saying they don’t know enough to say.
About half of Democrats overall have a favorable impression of Mamdani and only about 1 in 10 have an unfavorable view of him, while the rest, about 39%, don’t have an opinion.
Meanwhile, the U.S.-Israel relationship is not top of mind for many Americans as they think about the upcoming midterm elections.
For people like Michael Ripka, a 34-year-old stage hand from Casper, Wyoming who typically votes Republican, the economy is by far the most important thing on his mind.
“Everything is mad expensive,” he said. The conflicts in the Middle East, he added, is “100% a very big distraction.”
DAMASCUS, Syria — Explosions rocked Damascus on Tuesday as France’s president met with his Syrian counterpart in a landmark visit, wounding at least 18 people, Syria’s Interior Ministry said.
Emmanuel Macron was inside the presidential palace when the explosions happened, and Macron’s office said he was safe and that the meeting with Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa continued.
“Nothing can smother the aspiration of Syrian women and men to live in a fully sovereign, safe, pluralistic, and united Syria,” Macron said in a post on X hours after the deadly explosions. “This morning I met Syria in all its diversity. I saw dignity, courage and determination.”
A large plume of smoke could be seen from the site of the explosion near the Four Seasons Hotel, where Syrian media reported Macron was staying. Footage widely circulated on social media showed a van and a motorcycle on fire and blood stains on the street in the area on a busy street near the headquarters of the Tourism Ministry and the Damascus National Museum.
The explosions represent a challenge to al-Sharaa, who came to power after leading an insurgency that ousted Bashar Assad in 2024 and ending the country’s 14-year uprising turned-civil war. Assad’s dynasty ruled Syria with an iron fist for half a century.
Al-Sharaa has since pushed to assert full control over and bring stability to war-torn Syria, appeal to minorities skeptical of his Islamist-led rule, and win the support of Western governments who were concerned about his past leadership of the formerly al-Qaeda-linked Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group. His government has promised political and economic reform after decades of autocratic rule.
Macron is the first major Western leader to visit Syria since al-Sharaa came to power and his visit comes before he is set to head to Ankara, Turkey later Tuesday for a NATO summit. Macron also plans to hold a joint news conference with his Syrian counterpart. The official spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss Macron’s whereabouts and security.
The French head of state played a major role in pushing Europe and the United States to drop most sanctions on Syria. He arrived in the country Monday night with an economic delegation, and is scheduled to sign memorandums of understanding with his counterpart as the battered country tries to lure investors to help it rebuild after 14 years of war.
The Interior Ministry in a statement reported by Syrian state media said that the two blasts in the heart of the capital were caused by explosive devices, one placed in a garbage bin and the other in a parked car. It added that four of the wounded were police officers, and no deaths were immediately reported.
An investigation is currently taking place at the scene of the attack. No group immediately claimed responsibility.
Macron arrived in the country Monday night with an economic delegation, and is scheduled to sign memorandums of understanding with his counterpart as the battered country tries to lure investors to help it rebuild after the war.
While Syria’s new rulers have wrestled with violence involving different groups in the country as they work to assert control, the capital has largely been peaceful during the turbulent period.
The conflict in Syria killed nearly half a million people and displaced millions. Syria’s infrastructure lies in ruins, and while other nations and businesses have made large investment pledges, the country still needs hundreds of billions of dollars to rebuild and lift millions out of poverty.
Before arriving at the presidential palace, Macron met with members of Syrian civil society, though his office did not give details on who.
A dozen new businesses have opened in downtown Ardmore so far this year, bringing Japanese barbecue, build-your-own salads, and organic dog treats, among other goods, to the Main Line community. New and incoming businesses include mom-and-pop shops, national chains, and expansions of popular Philly-area names, such as decorated Szechuan eatery EMei and New Jersey-based burger chain Gouldsburger’s.
Here’s a breakdown of the new retailers that have opened in Ardmore this year, and some others that are on the horizon.
What’s new?
OGYU Japanese BBQ
OGYU Japanese BBQ (60 Greenfield Ave.) is a tabletop cooking Japanese steakhouse experience from Osushi owner Sam Li. OGYU offers an all-you-can-eat, tiered, fixed-price menu, as well as a full bar. Li has opened Osushi locations in Wayne, Ardmore, and Marlton, as well as upscale eatery Hiramasa in Newtown Square. OGYU opened last month.
Just Salad
Healthy food chain Just Salad (167 W. Lancaster Ave.) opened in Ardmore in May, adding to the company’s more than 100 locations across seven states. Just Salad serves fast-casual salads, warm bowls, wraps, and smoothies.
Barizi
Barizi (29 W. Lancaster Ave.) is a design, home, and gift store offering curated ceramics, textiles, leather goods, vintage furniture, and self-care items. Barizi’s Ardmore store opened in May and is its second after New York City.
Gouldsburger’s
Gouldsburger’s (4 Station Rd.), a Jersey-based mini-chain serving up burgers, cheesesteaks, chicken sandwiches, and other fried snacks, opened across from Ardmore’s train station in February. The restaurant has vegan and vegetarian options, and its cheesesteak has even made the ranks of the Inquirer’s favorites.
Inside OGYU Japanese BBQ in Ardmore.
CorePower Yoga
CorePower Yoga (169 W. Lancaster Ave.), a heated yoga and strength training studio with hundreds of locations across the U.S., opened in Ardmore in April. This is the chain’s third location in the Philadelphia area, after Center City and Northern Liberties.
Bikini Burger
Penn Valley resident Mia Robertston opened Bikini Burger (44 Rittenhouse Pl.) in January with the goal of bringing a simple and “really good burger” to the area. Robertson’s Burgers are made with beef from a Lancaster County butcher, can be topped with Cooper Sharp, among other accoutrements, and are never smashed.
R3 Gaming & Toys
R3 Gaming & Toys (6 W. Lancaster Ave.) is a toy and game shop built for collectors and “curious minds of all ages.” The store stocks classic toys, board games, puzzles, comics, graphic novels, and other novelties.
Jersey Mike’s
Sub sandwich giant Jersey Mike’s (20 Greenfield Ave.) opened its doors in the former Revitalize Aesthetics storefront in March. The sub shop is open seven days a week and offers both hot and cold sandwich options.
Mia Robertson, owner of Bikini Burger, makes a cheeseburger at the Bikini Burger in Ardmore. The burger joint is one of a slate of new businesses to open in Ardmore this year.
Revivéa Health
Revivéa Health (20 Ardmore Ave.) opened in Ardmore in April and offers various wellness treatments including IV therapy, vitamin injections, and red light therapy. Ardmore is Revivéa’s second local storefront after West Chester.
Raffs Italian Cuisine
Raffs Italian Cuisine (65 Cricket Ave.) is the second restaurant of chef and owner Raffael Kupa, who also runs Buona Vita in Somers Point, N.J. Raffs, which opened in April, is BYOB, open for dinner seven days a week, and offers traditional Italian fare.
Bored Trading Café
Bored Trading Café (43 Cricket Ave.) is an all-day eatery serving bagels, sandwiches, salads, wraps, smoothies, and burgers, among other items. The cafe held its grand opening in January.
What’s coming soon?
Mango Mango
At Mango Mango (38 Greenfield Ave.), an Asian-inspired dessert chain with locations across the U.S., “mango’s our muse.” Mango Mango serves mango- and non-mango-flavored cakes, waffles, smoothies, ice creams, and teas. Its Ardmore franchisewill be opening later this month.
Vintner’s Table
Vintner’s Table (24 Cricket Ave.) is an Italian-inspired wine bar affiliated with Folino Estate Winery & Restaurant in Kutztown. The Ardmore location will be the third Vintner’s Table after Phoenixville and Wyomissing. Vitner’s Table has not shared an anticipated opening date yet.
Chef Yongcheng Zhao preparing a crispy whole boneless sea bass dish at EMei in Chinatown. The restaurant is set to expand to Ardmore.
EMei
Inquirer food critic Craig Laban says EMei (98 Cricket Ave.) is a “Szechuan feast with few peers in Philly.” The lauded Chinatown eatery, owned by Dan Tsao, is expanding to South Philly and Ardmore in the near future, though the timeline for expansion has been pushed back due to permitting and architecture hiccups.
Pure Green
Cold-pressed juice company Pure Green (56 E. Lancaster Ave.) is set to open in Ardmore next year. Pure Green offers superfood smoothies, acai and pitaya bowls, steel-cut oatmeal bowls, sourdough toasts, and cold-pressed juices.
Calm and Strong Yoga and Pilates
Calm and Strong (46 Rittenhouse Pl.) is a yoga and pilates studio bringing a variety of sculpt, flow, and strength classes to Ardmore. The studio is set to open this fall.
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