Category: Nation & World

  • Judge orders Trump to end efforts to kill Hudson Tunnel funding

    Judge orders Trump to end efforts to kill Hudson Tunnel funding

    A federal judge on Monday ordered the Trump administration to permanently abandon its efforts to suspend funding for a $16 billion rail tunnel under the Hudson River, describing those attempts as “flagrantly” illegal.

    Judge Jeannette A. Vargas of the Southern District of New York said that the administration violated federal guidelines when it stopped reimbursing the tunnel’s builders for their expenses in September. The suspension forced a shutdown of the construction project and led to a brief layoff of about 1,000 workers in New York City and New Jersey in February.

    Federal officials said that the payments were stopped while the project’s hiring practices were reviewed. But Vargas noted that President Donald Trump had indicated in interviews that there were political reasons for stopping the tunnel project, which was a favorite of Sen. Chuck Schumer, the Democratic minority leader from New York.

    “We’re cutting a $20 billion project that Schumer fought for 15 years to get, and I’m cutting the project,” the judge quoted Trump as saying in October. “The project is gonna be dead. It’s just pretty much dead right now.”

    The project, known as Gateway, would supplement two 116-year-old single-track tunnels under the Hudson between Manhattan and New Jersey. Schumer had called it the most critical infrastructure project in the United States.

    The project ran out of money about five months after the federal government stopped making payments. The states of New York and New Jersey jointly sued the Trump administration in federal court in Manhattan, seeking an emergency order to end the suspension.

    On Feb. 6, the day that work on the tunnel stopped, Vargas granted a temporary restraining order. The Trump administration opposed that order and continued to press its case but never disputed that the suspension “flagrantly violates federal law,” the judge said.

    In declaring the suspension of funding illegal, Vargas also said that the federal government could not attempt to suspend payment of the federal grants again.

    Catherine Rinaldi, executive vice president of the Gateway Development Commission, which oversees the project, said that before federal funding was frozen, the tunnel project “was on schedule and on budget, and we have made significant progress since federal funding for the project resumed in February.”

    In response to the judge’s decision, Gov. Kathy Hochul of New York and Gov. Mikie Sherrill of New Jersey, both Democrats, released a joint statement with Letitia James, the attorney general of New York, and Jennifer Davenport, the attorney general of New Jersey.

    “We are grateful that a federal court has once again agreed that the Trump administration’s decision to freeze billions of dollars in grants for the Gateway Tunnel Project is flagrantly unlawful,” their statement said. “This victory sends a clear message: The Trump administration’s attempt to halt Gateway funding will not stand.”

    The federal Department of Transportation said that it remained “committed to ensuring hard-working taxpayer dollars are being spent responsibly and do not fund unconstitutional, discriminatory contracting practices.”

    The decision Monday did not complete litigation over the suspension. The development commission is still suing the Transportation Department for monetary damages resulting from the forced shutdown of the project.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Why the true death toll of Venezuela’s quakes is so hard to know

    Why the true death toll of Venezuela’s quakes is so hard to know

    It has been six days since devastating twin earthquakes flattened entire residential neighborhoods in Venezuela, and dozens of newly found bodies are still being hauled out of the rubble.

    On Monday, rescuers piled up coffins inside an improvised morgue at the sun-scorched port in the town of La Guaira, one of the hardest-hit areas. Small trucks arrived with more bodies, leaving them arranged in a long row by a concrete dock.

    “Every day the number of victims keeps going up,” said Jennifer Moreno Canizales, a spokesperson for the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Caracas. “And we expect it to keep rising.”

    The official death toll after Venezuela’s earthquakes rose Monday to 1,719 people, an increase of nearly 300 since Sunday. It is based on the number of bodies recovered during the search operations, Moreno Canizales said.

    But sobering as it is, that figure could be a substantial undercount. Many more Venezuelans remain missing, with chances of finding them alive shrinking every day.

    The uncertainty of the number is not just a matter for the journalistic or historic record. For many Venezuelans, it signifies their anguished limbo as they search for friends with bleeding hands, trapped between uncertainty and a desperate refusal to accept the worst.

    There is no official or reliable toll for the missing. And with so much debris from tall residential buildings pressed tightly together, and a shortage of heavy machinery to remove the rubble, estimates of how many people might still be trapped inside vary widely.

    Two forensic doctors at the main morgue in the capital, Caracas, estimated a death toll of about 4,000, basing that on the number of bodies that had been arriving at a morgue in La Guaira every day.

    In anticipation of the toll increasing, the United Nations has been procuring 10,000 body bags in coordination with Venezuela’s government, said Gianluca Rampolla del Tindaro, the organization’s resident coordinator for Venezuela. “That is the applying assumption; it’s very sad,” he said.

    According to an unofficial website where Venezuelans can report the missing, more than 46,000 people were still unaccounted for. The New York Times could not independently verify the figure, which can include people who survived but became separated from relatives.

    To veteran rescue workers, the high number of reported missing may be ominous.

    “Contact is difficult, but not that difficult that you wouldn’t have gotten in contact,” said Linda Hornisberger, the president of REDOG, a nonprofit Swiss search-and-rescue association that has deployed eight dogs and 88 emergency responders to Venezuela since Friday. “We must assume most to be dead.”

    Hornisberger said that despite working eight- to 12-hour shifts for days, “we have not been able to rescue anybody.”

    Disaster response experts say that it often takes several weeks for a full picture to emerge after disasters of this magnitude.

    When Hurricane Maria hit Puerto Rico in 2017, the official government death toll was 64 people. Nearly a year later, they updated it to 2,975, nearly 50 times as high. After the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004, when entire coastal villages were completely erased, it took the authorities more than a year to settle on the final estimate of 230,000 victims.

    Several signs out of Venezuela indicate that there might also be a delay before a final death toll is reached.

    The area of the quakes

    The day the earthquake struck was a holiday in Venezuela, when it was more likely that families would have been home, or had traveled to the seaside area of La Guaira. Many buildings there were built during an economic boom in the 1970s and 1980s, when developers erected tall towers, many 10 stories or more. A mountain range limited building space, which led developers to choose to build vertically, said Josué Araque, a Venezuelan geographer.

    Now, many of those buildings have been pancaked into a dense tangle of debris.

    “They are mountains of rubble from buildings of many, many levels, made of concrete, which basically turns them into tombs,” Araque said. It is difficult to search the lowest floors of the buildings, he said, “because there are 10 floors that fell on top of them.”

    Araque said he believed that there were probably many more missing people whom “they probably will not be able to recover.”

    There is 1.2 million tons of debris in the hardest-hit areas of La Guaira, the U.N. Development Program said Monday.

    Moreno Canizales, from the U.N., said 700 buildings had collapsed. Despite the rescue teams’ best efforts, she said, “it is hard to reach them all in time” to rescue those who might still be trapped alive.

    Del Tindaro, the U.N. humanitarian coordinator in Venezuela, also said in an interview that the high number of collapsed buildings indicated that the official toll was an undercount.

    Ilan Kelman, a professor of disasters and health at University College London, said a full accounting of the number of deaths might never be known. But a preliminary projection that the final toll could exceed 10,000 — shared by the U.S. Geological Survey based on factors including the magnitude of the earthquake, the population density, and local infrastructure — remains grimly feasible, he said.

    A difficult search

    The work of recovering bodies is painstakingly slow, and it’s not a priority for most response teams that are trying to save those who may be still alive. On Sunday, 49 rescue teams coordinated by the U.N. rescued seven survivors, Moreno Canizales said. Sometimes, she said, the teams are responding to families telling them that they can hear a relative crying from the rubble.

    When the disaster response shifts, more bodies are likely to be found, experts said.

    “The focus of the search-and-rescue teams is to look for those who might be alive” based on reports of sound and motion, said Phil Gelman, a Latin America coordinator with GOAL, an international humanitarian response agency. “When the search-and-rescue phase is ended, and heavy machinery is moved in to move rubble, the casualty count will rise.”

    Even in well-organized response efforts, many survivors end up being rescued by untrained friends, family, and neighbors, said Emily So, a professor of architectural engineering at the University of Cambridge.

    One Caracas resident, Rosmaria Herrera, 30, said she had lost at least three relatives. Family members and other civilians pulled the bodies of her father, her cousin, and her grandmother out of the rubble. But they couldn’t find her uncle.

    “It’s strange, because there is practically nothing left of the building,” she said.

    Witnesses and aid workers described a shortage of heavy machinery as one of the biggest obstacles to rescue efforts, saying volunteers often lacked the equipment needed to move concrete slabs and reach survivors trapped beneath collapsed buildings.

    In videos widely shared on social media, residents pleaded for excavators and other heavy equipment. In one, a man says neighbors pooled their own money to hire machinery after waiting days for government assistance to arrive.

    “If we keep waiting for our wonderful authorities, another week will go by with our relatives still buried there,” he says. “We had to start doing this ourselves.”

    Some victims will likely die from their injuries, in part because of Venezuela’s already overstretched health system, Kelman said.

    So said the final toll would likely be determined by the number of people reported missing, the extent of visible damage to buildings, and impeded access to the worst hit areas, which has stymied some responses.

    “Tragically, until they recover the bodies from underneath the rubble,” So said. “The count will be low.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Trump’s July 4 fireworks to start much later and last much longer

    Trump’s July 4 fireworks to start much later and last much longer

    The July Fourth fireworks show on the National Mall will start later, last longer, and have far more pyrotechnics than any held previously on Independence Day, according to officials in charge of producing the event.

    Typically, the Fourth of July fireworks at the core of the nation’s capital begin a little before 9:30 p.m. and last 17 to 25 minutes. This year, the show won’t begin until after 10:30 p.m. and may not start until 11 p.m., a spokesperson for Freedom 250, the public-private partnership aligned with President Donald Trump that has taken over much of the programming for America’s semiquincentennial, said in an email.

    The show is expected to last approximately 40 minutes.

    No reason has been publicly provided for why the fireworks will start so late, but Trump has described the event as a “rally” and said he will begin speaking at 9 p.m. The duration of the fireworks is longer — about twice the average length — because of the administration’s goal of setting a record for the world’s largest fireworks display.

    Danielle Alvarez, an adviser to Freedom 250, did not specifically address the late time but called the July 4 event a “once-in-a-generation milestone.”

    “This isn’t just another Independence Day. It’s America’s 250th,” Alvarez said in a statement. “And history only comes around once.”

    The late start, as well as rules prohibiting attendees from bringing coolers, lawn chairs, bags, and more than one bottle of water, drew criticism on social media and elsewhere, particularly because organizers have recommended people arrive early Saturday, when temperatures could surpass 100 degrees.

    A Freedom250 spokesperson said there will be four free hydration stations on the Mall.

    “We’re closely monitoring conditions and will keep adjusting as needed to make sure everyone stays safe and has a great time,” the spokesperson said in a statement.

    D.C. Mayor Muriel E. Bowser (D) urged anyone attending the fireworks show on the Mall to stay hydrated and be cautious.

    “The thing to remember, especially with this heat, is that’s a long, long day,” Bowser said at a news conference Monday to discuss safety measures for Independence Day. “I’m expecting … that families with small children are going to decide that the children should watch on TV or watch at a neighborhood event.”

    The current record for a single display is about 810,000 fireworks, launched at a New Year’s event in the Philippines in 2016, according to Guinness World Records. That display lasted a little over an hour and took place in a driving rain.

    Pyrotecnico, the Pennsylvania-based company putting on this year’s show, plans to set off more than 850,000 fireworks from 10 locations including West Potomac Park, the Reflecting Pool, and barges in the Potomac River, Pyrotecnico CEO Stephen Vitale said in an interview Monday.

    Vitale said he hopes the weather will cooperate and that there will be a slight breeze to clear the smoke and keep all of the fireworks visible.

    A typical July Fourth fireworks show on the Mall in D.C. features about 20,000 fireworks, Vitale said. While this year’s show is about 10 times bigger than any previous show his company has produced, he hopes viewers will remember the show for more than just setting a record.

    “Size always helps, but it’s about the beauty and the memories that people will have for generations,” Vitale said. “Fireworks are magical to people, and we help people walk away believing that’s the best fireworks display that they have seen or ever will see.”

  • Trump begins construction of unannounced White House helipad

    Trump begins construction of unannounced White House helipad

    President Donald Trump has begun construction on a new White House helipad, his latest change to the historic grounds, according to three people who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the project publicly.

    Construction crews worked into the night Monday on the White House’s South Lawn, with the project blocked off by a large fence. The helipad will be located near the South Portico, the traditional landing site for Marine One, the call sign for whichever helicopter is transporting the president, the people said.

    The new helipad, which the White House has yet to announce, is intended to address a long-running problem: The new generation of Marine One helicopters runs the risk of burning the lawn. The VH-92A Patriot, manufactured by Sikorsky Aircraft, has exhaust vents that aim heat down, making grass-scorching likely.

    Lockheed Martin, which owns Sikorsky Aircraft and has spent years trying to develop a solution to the scorching problem, will donate $5 million to help cover the cost of the helipad, according to a company official familiar with the project.

    The Washington Post reported last month that a helipad was under consideration and reported earlier this month that the administration was moving forward with the project and would rely on a $5 million donation to help fund it.

    The White House and the Marine Corps, which operates the presidential helicopter program, did not immediately respond to questions about the project, its timing or total cost.

    Trump has faced criticism for his recent alterations to the White House, such as his plan to build an expansive ballroom, add gilding to the Oval Office, and create a “Presidential Walk of Fame” that mocked past Democratic presidents. Current and former officials characterized the helipad as a different type of project, driven by security and operational priorities.

    Past administrations had also considered building a permanent helipad on the White House grounds, but the idea had been dismissed for several reasons, including that it would alter an iconic image — the U.S. president boarding a helicopter on the White House’s grassy lawn — that has persisted across administrations for nearly seven decades.

    That was not a concern for Trump, who has made significant changes to the White House in his second term, including demolishing the building’s East Wing and paving over the Rose Garden. Trump also has been an avid helicopter user for much of his professional life, dating back to his time as a real estate magnate when he relied on a Trump-branded helicopter.

    Ray L’Heureux, a retired Marine Corps colonel who previously oversaw the Marine Helicopter Squadron One, said it appears the installation of the White House helipad was determined to be operationally necessary.

    “The new [Marine One] program is a costly one and not using the capability is bad optics all around for many reasons,” he said, adding that having helicopters to ferry the U.S. president to and from the White House is “paramount for seamless operations and security concerns.”

    L’Heureux added that while he believes changing the aesthetics of the White House’s South Lawn is a negative, he hopes the impact of the helipad can be mitigated — perhaps by using green concrete, he suggested — to help it better blend in.

    The VH-92A has been envisioned for more than a decade as the full-time presidential helicopter. The Marine Corps received the final VH-92A in its 23-aircraft presidential fleet nearly two years ago at a cost of about $4.95 billion, or about $215 million each, according to a 2019 report by the independent Government Accountability Office. But the helicopters have yet to ferry a president to and from the South Lawn.

    Trump has used the new VH-92A Patriot for other travel, such as his recent trip to New York City for the NBA Finals, with the new helicopter ferrying the president to a helipad in Manhattan. Trump has continued to rely on older Marine One models when landing in grassy fields, including during his trip to the Group of Seven summit in France earlier this month.

  • Trump is using a $500M no-bid contract to build his White House ballroom

    Trump is using a $500M no-bid contract to build his White House ballroom

    White House officials last year secretly awarded a no-bid contract worth up to $500 million for the construction of the East Wing ballroom in an unusual arrangement that sidestepped typical contracting procedures designed to control costs, according to a copy of the agreement obtained by the Washington Post.

    The White House routed the contract through the Executive Residence, the document shows, an office that is exempt from rules that require federal agencies to solicit competitive bids and disclose details to the public. The office is typically responsible for routine repairs, entertainment expenses, and the purchase of furniture, art, and other items for the executive mansion.

    The confidential contract with Clark Construction, along with related correspondence and records obtained by the Post, reveal for the first time how the Trump administration bypassed norms last summer as it set the ballroom project in motion.

    Records also show that President Donald Trump was directly involved in negotiating some costs for the East Wing project.

    The East Wing contract is the latest example of the administration turning to no-bid deals to hasten a Trump-style makeover of the nation’s capital, which has included handpicking firms to upgrade Lafayette Square next to the White House and to renovate the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool.

    Competitive bidding is generally required at most federal agencies. Experts said the Executive Residence is exempt from those rules, and the president has legal authority to hire companies of his choosing to make changes to the executive mansion and the surrounding grounds. Those experts said soliciting bids would have ensured the best price for taxpayers, especially given the size and cost of the East Wing project.

    “I would certainly expect them to compete a project of this size and complexity,” said Anthony Costa, a former General Services Administration official who oversaw complex government real estate projects during a career that spanned four presidential administrations.

    The estimated East Wing construction cost has tripled since last July, when the project was first announced, with half expected to come from taxpayers, the Post previously reported.

    Trump has repeatedly claimed that the ballroom would be paid for by private donors and once said that Clark executives offered to build it for free.

    “They said: ‘Sir, we’ll do it for nothing. This is the greatest honor,” Trump told the New York Times in January.

    Clark’s internal cost projections show the McLean, Virginia-based company, the largest general contractor in the D.C. metro area, stands to make tens of millions of dollars from the work.

    Clark charged a 3% profit for its early work on the East Wing, records show, a rate that experts said was typical for large government construction projects.

    The records reviewed by the Post do not break out Clark’s estimated profit margin for the entire project, but a March document shows the company projected it would receive a total of $65 million in combined profit, overhead, and daily rates for on-site staff and other costs.

    A White House official said in a statement that the East Wing contract was issued through the Executive Residence because that office “will be the primary support of the facility.” The Executive Residence is a division of the Executive Office of the President, which the statement said “consistently executes contracts following the law.”

    A Clark spokesperson said in a statement that the firm has been a federal contractor for more than 80 years, adding: “We follow established procurement and contracting processes for each project and execute the work consistent with schedule, budget, delivery, and contractual requirements.”

    The Trump administration tasked Clark with site preparation and other preliminary work last July, months before the East Wing was demolished, records show. That work was performed under a separate, existing Executive Residence contract the company had won in 2024, during the Biden administration.

    The Biden-era contract covered “a wide variety of maintenance, repair, alteration, and construction type tasks” that might arise at the White House over five years. It was awarded to Clark after a competitive bidding process and had a ceiling of $500 million, according to a copy of the agreement obtained by the Post.

    The White House official told the Post that Clark’s Biden-era contract was “missing various clauses necessary for construction contracts.”

    By mid-August, records show, Trump administration officials began negotiating the new, no-bid agreement for Clark to “fully demolish the East Wing and East Colonnade and construct a modernized East Wing facility.”

    In an email exchange in early September, White House officials explained that they could award the no-bid contract to Clark because the Executive Residence is not bound by competitive bidding requirements, although it often follows them.

    The email cited a federal law that authorizes the president to freely spend for the “care, maintenance, repair, alteration, refurnishing, improvement, air-conditioning, heating, and lighting” of the White House residence.

    In a court case challenging the legality of the ballroom project, the Trump administration has cited the same law as the basis for its authority to undertake the project. The litigation has not surfaced the fact that the contract was awarded without competitive bidding.

    A federal judge rejected the administration’s position, concluding in March that the president’s authority to make changes to the White House does not include demolishing the East Wing and building the ballroom. The administration has appealed the ruling.

    The Justice Department acknowledged in court filings in the case that the Executive Residence is overseeing contracts for the project, claiming it was “best-positioned” to do so in part because of its expertise in the use of White House for official ceremonies.

    Experts told the Post that the GSA or National Park Service are better equipped to handle contracting for large construction projects at the White House, and an internal White House document shows that is the norm.

    Major repairs and structural changes to the White House’s East Wing and East Colonnade are the responsibility of the GSA and Park Service, according to the document, a 2024 memorandum of understanding for the maintenance and operations of the White House obtained by the Post.

    The role of the Executive Residence “does not include maintenance or repair involving structural building elements or major utility systems for those areas, which are handled by GSA or NPS,” according to the memorandum, which expires in 2029.

    An Interior Department spokesperson, responding to questions sent to the Park Service, said in a statement that the Executive Residence is “best positioned to coordinate with all agencies that have equities regarding planning for and implementation of the project.” The GSA referred questions to the White House.

    On Sept. 22, Clark signed the White House contract for the East Wing, which included a range of work the company would provide over a five-year period and a nondisclosure agreement.

    Joshua Fisher, the director of the White House Office of Administration, indicated on the contract that the administration did not solicit bids for the East Wing work because “the disclosure of the executive agency’s needs would compromise the national security.”

    In recent months, Trump has said rebuilding the East Wing is a national security issue, describing an underground military bunker and a rooftop “drone empire … to protect Washington.”

    The Trump administration continued to issue work orders to advance the East Wing project under both the 2024 and 2025 agreements with Clark, records show. Clark’s internal construction cost estimates rose from $200 million in July 2025 to $600 million by March 2026, the Post previously reported.

    After signing the East Wing contract, Clark officials notified the White House that the company planned to award no-bid deals to at least 11 subcontractors for demolition, abatement, excavation, fencing, and other services, according to copies of correspondence obtained by the Post. Two of those subcontractors are Clark subsidiaries.

    On March 4, days after the start of the war with Iran, Trump personally negotiated the price of concrete to be provided by one of Clark’s wholly owned subsidiaries, according to a summary of the terms that notes his involvement. The summary indicates the price, initially more than $47 million, dropped $2.3 million during the negotiation.

  • Supreme Court upholds state laws banning transgender girls and women from school athletic teams

    Supreme Court upholds state laws banning transgender girls and women from school athletic teams

    The Supreme Court on Tuesday upheld bans in Idaho and West Virginia on transgender athletes playing on girls’ and women’s sports teams, the latest in a string of legal setbacks for the LGBTQ+ community before the high court.

    In a decision led by the court’s six conservatives — but joined in parts by its three liberals — the justices found that states can separate teams based on “biological sex” without offending the Constitution’s guarantee of equal protection and Title IX, a landmark 1972 antidiscrimination law involving education.

    “Separate sports teams for biological males and biological females are reasonable: Given the inherent physical differences between the sexes, allowing only biological females to play on women’s and girls’ teams can reduce the risk of physical injury and ensure fair competition,” Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh, who coached his daughter’s youth basketball team, wrote for the majority.

    The court’s three liberals, led by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, agreed that West Virginia’s ban did not violate Title IX. But they disagreed with the majority on several fronts, especially the conclusion that the West Virginia law withstands scrutiny under the Constitution’s guarantee of equal protection for all.

    Sotomayor wrote that a lower court should have the chance to sort out a question central to the case of the teenage plaintiff from West Virginia, Becky Pepper-Jackson: whether trans girls who have not undergone male puberty have physical advantages in sports.

    “Because of the Court’s decision today, West Virginia, and any other state actor, can deny B.P.J. and others like her these experiences simply because it thinks they have an inherent athletic advantage, even if the facts show that they do not,” Sotomayor wrote.

    The court did not address what is arguably the flip side of its ruling — whether schools and states can adopt policies allowing transgender athletes to compete on girls’ and women’s teams, as some liberal states and communities do.

    “That question is currently the subject of litigation in some lower courts,” Kavanaugh wrote in a footnote. “Nothing in this opinion is intended to decide that question.”

    The ruling is among several in recent terms that are consequential for the LGBTQ+ movement. The Supreme Court in March ruled a Colorado law banning “conversion therapy” for gay and transgender youths probably violated the free-speech rights of a religious counselor who wants to counsel such young people according to biblical teachings.

    Earlier that month, the court sided with Christian parents in blocking, for now, California policies that discourage schools from informing parents of a student’s sexual orientation or gender identity without the student’s consent. Last year, the court upheld bans on gender transition treatment for minors.

    Questions over whether transgender girls and women should play on girls’ and women’s sports teams has been a particular flash point in a broader conversation about transgender rights. Dozens of states have bans amid intense public debate about fairness at all levels of competition.

    The debate over the allowance of transgender women in collegiate athletics gained national attention in 2022 after Penn swimmer Lia Thomas won the national title in the women’s 500-yard freestyle. Thomas, who is a transgender woman, competed for the Quakers men’s team during the 2018-19 season before medically transitioning.

    In July 2025, Penn struck a deal with the Trump administration regarding Thomas’ participation. According to the deal, Penn agreed to ban transgender athletes, vacate Thomas’ records, release a statement in support of Title IX “as interpreted by the Department of Education,” and send personalized letters of apology to Thomas’ former women’s teammates. The deal came after the White House had paused $175 million in federal funding to Penn because of Thomas’ participation on the Quakers’ women’s team in 2021-22. The federal funding was restored following the agreement.

    The issue came to the high court in a pair of cases, brought separately by Pepper-Jackson, a teen from West Virginia, and Lindsay Hecox, a Boise State University student in Idaho. Both argued that the bans in their states discriminated on basis of sex and violated the Constitution’s equal protection clause. In January, the justices appeared sympathetic to arguments for keeping the bans in place as the cases were argued back-to-back.

    LGBTQ+ activists said the decision would be devastating for some young people.

    “This is a heartbreaking ruling for our clients and transgender girls like them who’ve asked for nothing more than the same opportunities afforded to their peers,” said Joshua Block, senior counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union’s LGBTQ & HIV Rights Project, who argued the case for Pepper-Jackson.

    Sasha Buchert, director of nonbinary and transgender rights at Lambda Legal, said the decision was upsetting but also narrow.

    The ruling is “a serious loss — we’re not minimizing that,” she said. But noting that the court did not impose a national ban on transgender athletes in female sports, Buchert added, “This ruling says, sure, a state may discriminate, not that they must discriminate.”

    Twenty-seven states have passed laws banning transgender student-athletes from competing on women’s or girls’ sports teams. Supporters of the bans say they are necessary to ensure fairness and safety because of inherent physical differences between males and females. Opponents say the laws discriminate against trans people and should be struck down.

    President Donald Trump early last year signed an executive order aimed at keeping transgender women out of women’s sports. The administration has argued that there are only two sexes — male and female — and that they “are not changeable.”

    Soon after the executive order on sports, the NCAA and the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee updated their policies to bar trans women from playing on women’s sports teams. Since then, the administration has aggressively investigated schools that allow trans girls to participate in girls’ and women’s sports.

    Education Secretary Linda McMahon welcomed the court’s decision Tuesday.

    “For years, ideologues distorted Title IX to advance a radical transgender agenda, subjecting women to immeasurable harm,” she said in a statement.

    Nicole Neily, founder and president of Defending Education, a conservative advocacy group, called the decision an “exercise in judicial humility” and noted that it may be disappointing to conservatives in liberal states that allow transgender athletes to participate.

    “Although it’s certainly not as sweeping as parent activists would have liked, it means that the action shifts to the states and is now a persuasion game,” she said in a statement.

    Views among Americans on transgender issues are nuanced. A Pew Research Center survey published in February 2025 showed 56% of adults support policies aimed at protecting transgender people from discrimination in jobs, housing, and public spaces.

    But over the past few years, Americans also have become more supportive of restrictions for transgender people, according to the Pew survey. Fifty-six percent of Americans supported bans on providing gender transition care for minors, up 10 percentage points from 2022, the study found.

    But athletics have always stood out.

    The Pew survey found that 66% favored laws that require trans athletes to compete on teams that match their sex assigned at birth, up eight points from 2022. Even before the general shift in public opinion, a majority of Americans opposed allowing trans women to compete against other women at all levels of sports, according to a Washington Post-University of Maryland poll.

    The science concerning biological advantages of transgender girls and women in sports is evolving and remains hotly debated. The case featured competing evidence about whether transgender girls are inherently better at sports. The transgender plaintiffs presented evidence that transitioning before puberty prevents them from building enough body mass to have an advantage in high school and college sports.

    Lawyers for the states countered with studies that showed that nontransgender boys and men perform better at all ages. The study found that boys between the ages of 7 and 12 ran about 4% faster and jumped about 7% farther than girls in the same age group.

    “The legislatures and the schools are better equipped — and under the Constitution, are the more appropriate entities — to assess the competing medical and scientific considerations and draw appropriate lines,” Kavanaugh wrote in the majority opinion. “Of course, no line that the States draw will satisfy everyone.”

    While there’s no comprehensive tally of trans athletes nationally, an estimated 300,100 transgender youths between the ages of 13 and 17 live in the United States, according to the Williams Institute at the UCLA School of Law. The Human Rights Campaign, an LGBTQ+ advocacy group, has estimated that 14% of trans boys and 12% of trans girls play on a sports team.

    Inquirer Staff Writer Conor Smith contributed to this article.

  • Three words in the Declaration of Independence paint a cruel picture of Natives

    Three words in the Declaration of Independence paint a cruel picture of Natives

    McKaylin Peters, a 24-year-old Native American graduate student at Johns Hopkins University, still recalls when she first heard the words “merciless Indian savages.”

    Sitting in social studies class at her predominantly White middle school near Green Bay, Wisconsin — a school that once used an image of an Indian as its mascot, she cringed when the teacher read a passage deep in the Declaration of Independence: “He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.”

    Peters said she and the six other Native students in the class looked quietly at one another.

    “I was upset. It just rolled off her tongue very easily,” recalled Peters, a citizen of the Menominee Nation who is getting her master’s in organizational leadership. “It seemed like no one else was shocked except for us, the Indigenous students in the classroom. We were like, ‘Did she really just say that?’”

    As the United States marks the 250th anniversary of the Declaration — a document fundamental to the nation’s founding and still revered — Peters and other Native American scholars and tribal leaders are reflecting on the Founding Fathers’ use of the derogatory description for Indigenous people in 1776. Many note that while the Declaration promises that “all men are created equal,” its ideals were not extended to everyone.

    The document’s portrayal of Indigenous people helped establish a moral and legal framework that justified decades of devastating U.S. policies toward Native communities, according to historians. Celebrations of the 250th anniversary of the Declaration’s signing come amid a striking contrast: Native tribes are working to reclaim ancestral lands, revive lost languages and preserve cultural traditions, while the Trump administration has sought to remove or downplay references to slavery, Native dispossession and other dark chapters of U.S. history in parks and museums and on government websites.

    “It’s not just a line in an old document,” Peters said. “It’s a reminder that this country was built by declaring us less than human. When the Declaration of Independence calls us that, it’s a message that Native youth sadly still hear today in classrooms, policy debates and in how society talks about us.”

    Many historians and Indigenous historians say the term “savages” did more than reflect 18th-century attitudes. It helped perpetuate stereotypes of Native Americans and contributed to their marginalization; centuries later, it adds to feelings, especially for Native youths, of being excluded from America’s national story. A 2022 study by Texas A&M University researchers found that the Declaration’s pejorative reference to Native Americans helped normalize a view of them as threats rather than as sovereign nations and peoples with rights.

    For many Native people, the meaning — and impact — of the phrase is emotional and complicated.

    Some discover the wording as adults and are appalled. Others see it as a reminder of racist attitudes and centuries of broken treaties, land theft and forced assimilation. Some young people have reclaimed the epithet, debating it on social media and displaying it on T-shirts and tattoos as a symbol of resilience and empowerment. An Indigenous-led heavy metal band intentionally used the phrase as its name.

    “It’s become sort of an ironic touchstone,” said Kevin Gover, the Smithsonian Institution’s undersecretary for museums and culture. A citizen of the Pawnee Tribe of Oklahoma, Gover said he did not encounter the term until middle age. After his initial outrage, Gover said, he responded as many Native people do: by mocking it.

    “Even we, on the side of the descendants of those who were victimized, have to take a nuanced view,” said Gover, who is also the former director of the National Museum of the American Indian in D.C. “In many respects, it’s a badge of pride that our ancestors had the wherewithal to survive and allow us to be alive in this time.

    “We can acknowledge the wrong,” he said, “and be grateful for our ancestors’ fortitude.”

    Hartman Deetz, an enrolled member of the Mashpee Wampanoag — the Massachusetts tribe that famously helped the Pilgrims survive their first Thanksgiving in 1621 — said the wording reflects the opposite of how Indigenous people treated White settlers.

    “They were fed when they were starving, given hospitality by us, but they treated us in a way that was savage and merciless in the dispossession of our homelands,” said Deetz, who served as a consultant for an exhibition at the Museum of the American Revolution in Philadelphia about the Declaration and the history behind it. “It was framed in a way that justified the treatment they brought upon us, and it continues to this day in attempts to sell our sacred sites for copper mines and to drill for oil and mining on our lands.

    “The colonial enterprise hasn’t stopped,” he said. “There’s such a disregard for Natives to exist or have rights of where we do exist. That’s the legacy of these words.”

    The words originated in an early draft of the Virginia Constitution written by Thomas Jefferson, who later included it in the Declaration of Independence, which Congress adopted.

    Ironically, some historians say, the characterization of Native people contradicts Jefferson’s own views. In “Notes on the State of Virginia,” a book Jefferson wrote that laid out many of his views on race, government and religious freedoms, he was “very sympathetic to Native people,” said Kevin Butterfield, a historian at the Library of Congress. Jefferson described Indigenous people as just, honorable and noble — a sharp contrast to the widespread European belief that Indigenous people were inferior.

    But Jefferson understood the Declaration was political rhetoric — a kind of “public relations piece,” said Butterfield, who is the acting chief of the Manuscript Division at the Library of Congress. He placed it near the end to bolster the case for independence.

    “He’s trying to paint the worst possible picture of how the king is approaching his interactions with the American colonists,” Butterfield said. “So he’s laying out horrible wartime atrocities from the Revolutionary War.”

    The description reflected colonial attitudes and the realities of frontier warfare, scholars say. Colonists were hostile toward Native Americans, who were powerful political and military figures and, just like other nations, protecting their sovereignty. Some Native nations had allied with the British — a move that many settlers resented — and many colonists also opposed King George III’s Proclamation of 1763, which barred settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains.

    Repeated violence between Indigenous people and settlers also helped shape the ideology behind the description, including the French and Indian War and Dunmore’s War in 1774, when Virginia colonists fought the Shawnee and Mingo to expand into the Ohio Valley, according to historians. In the summer of 1776, as the Declaration was drafted and adopted, a lesser-known conflict unfolded when Cherokee warriors attacked frontier settlements across parts of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. Colonists responded by burning more than 50 Cherokee towns and driving Native people from their homes.

    By 1776, the Founding Fathers “understood their need to accuse the king of what they considered the ultimate crime — partnering with Indigenous peoples and arming them,” said Ned Blackhawk, a Native American author and Yale University historian. “So they created this vilification in the Declaration that, in many ways, was at odds with their experience of living alongside Natives for generations.”

    The rhetoric was part of a broader racial ideology taking shape during the Revolutionary era, said Blackhawk, an enrolled member of the Te-Moak Tribe of Western Shoshone Indians of Nevada.

    “They were deeply committed to Enlightenment principles, but those were restricted to people similar to themselves,” he said. “Native Americans became a foil in simplified and racialized ways.”

    Tracy L. Canard Goodluck, executive director of the Center for Native American Youth at the Aspen Institute, said she is disappointed the term is either glossed over or not taught in many school curriculums, its impact not discussed.

    It wasn’t until she was a student at Dartmouth College, she said, that she fully understood the context of the description. She was angry, but the new knowledge also awakened in her a passion for educating others about Indigenous history and mistreatment. Goodluck, a member of the Oneida Nation who is also Mvskoke Creek, said in her previous work as a teacher in Seattle and Albuquerque she taught about Indigenous people and the harsh characterization in the Declaration.

    “It shouldn’t just be about White history,” she said. “It should be about all history — the good, the bad and the ugly.”

    She said it’s also important to educate the public, so every Fourth of July, she wears a T-shirt emblazoned with the phrase from the Declaration.

    “Those words served the purpose back then as a way to dehumanize Native people in this country,” said Goodluck. “We need to change that narrative. We’re still here. We’re doctors, lawyers, teachers and political leaders.

    “I am that merciless Indian savage who my ancestors prayed for to do great things.”

  • A Ukrainian family was welcomed to Philly when Russia attacked. Now they’re leaving as pressures rise on immigrants.

    A Ukrainian family was welcomed to Philly when Russia attacked. Now they’re leaving as pressures rise on immigrants.

    Four years ago Veronika Pavliutina and her three young children landed in Philadelphia after fleeing Ukraine, escaping the war as Russia shelled their home city of Odesa.

    Their big shock: the outpouring of care and kindness that greeted them here.

    A Mount Airy couple, strangers, invited the family to live in their home ― just move in and take the third-floor bedroom while figuring out next steps. Neighbors delivered meals and clothes and Target gift cards, and others organized events and outings.

    Pavliutina, 48, said she’ll never forget it.

    But now, she said, it’s time to leave.

    Federal pressure on Ukrainian war immigrants has created doubt about the family’s ability to stay in the United States and raised fears about what could happen if they do.

    The government designation that allows Pavliutina and her children to live here, temporary protected status, expires for Ukraine in October. There’s been no sign the Trump administration plans to renew it, fostering uncertainty among thousands who have worked to rebuild their lives in this country.

    TPS, as it’s known, is a humanitarian immigration status that can be granted to nationals of countries embroiled in war, environmental disasters, or other extraordinary circumstances. It allows people to legally live and work here and protects them from deportation.

    The Trump administration wants to end TPS for some countries ― and the Supreme Court ruled on June 25 that the administration could lawfully strip protections from more than 350,000 Haitians and 6,000 Syrians, leaving them vulnerable to removal.

    Pavliutina has felt the changed government attitude toward immigrants, the ICE arrests and detentions, the common resentment and casual hate.

    “More and more I can see, it’s becoming not safe,” she said in an interview at the family’s home in Perkasie, Bucks County. “I may not be their target for now, but we don’t know.”

    Veronika Pavliutina speaks about leaving the U.S. for Italy during an interview at the family’s home in Perkasie.

    She and her two younger children, Nina, 15, and Yegor, 12 ― Polina, 19, is studying in South Korea ― intend to move to Italy in mid-July. Pavliutina doesn’t know anyone there, but for a family that is again starting over it’s a logical choice.

    In Italy, Ukrainians escaping the war can receive a Permesso di Soggiorno per Protezione Temporanea, a fast-track residency permit that provides work authorization and access to healthcare.

    “It makes me very sad to know they’re leaving,” said Richard McIlhenny, who with his wife, Marissa Vergnetti, welcomed the then-newly arrived family to live in their Mount Airy home. “I’m excited for their new adventure, but sad that it’s not here.”

    Russia struck the southern city of Odesa on the first day of the war, Feb. 24, 2022, blowing up warehouses and air-defense systems and killing at least two dozen.

    Pavliutina told her children they needed to leave, and fast. They fled by car and eventually reached friends in Serbia.

    Meanwhile, 4,700 miles away in Philadelphia, McIlhenny, a real estate agent, and his wife, a preschool teacher, watched the war unfold on TV and decided to become actively involved in helping refugees.

    McIlhenny contacted a childhood friend who was working in Ukraine, asking if perhaps there was a family in need. The friend knew of someone, a single mother with three children.

    The Russian invasion drove a mass exodus, with an estimated 6.9 million Ukrainians leaving the country by the end of 2025, according to the Migration Policy Institute in Washington. An additional 3.7 million were displaced internally, forced from their homes to other parts of the country.

    Richard McIlhenny and Marissa Vergnetti (rear) outside their Mount Airy home May 2, 2022, where they are hosting Veronika Pavliutina (right) and her son, Yegor, then 8, and her two daughters. At the time, Pavliutina and her children had just arrived, escaping the Russian shelling in Ukraine.

    The United States opened its arms. And the Philadelphia region, home to one of the nation’s largest Ukrainian communities, helped lead that effort. Churches, civic groups, and families organized to help new arrivals navigate housing, employment, and schools.

    Now tens of thousands of Ukrainian war immigrants face uncertainty.

    “The protections Ukrainians rely on in the United States are quietly but dangerously eroding,” Krish O’Mara Vignarajah, president and CEO of Global Refuge, said in a statement earlier this year. “We’ve even seen Ukrainians swept up by immigration enforcement.”

    The Trump administration placed an indefinite pause on applications for the main Biden-era humanitarian program, “Uniting for Ukraine.”

    That effort admitted more than 200,000, but now expired work permits have left many struggling to maintain jobs and housing. Losing legal status can result in deportation, and some have left on their own.

    Meanwhile, as of March 2025, more than 100,000 Ukrainians were in the U.S. under TPS, which has faced backlogs and delays. The designation for Ukraine is due to end on Oct. 19, the prospect of renewal clouded as Trump touts his close relationship with Russian dictator Vladimir Putin and criticizes Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.

    Since 2022 TPS for Ukraine has been extended twice, each instance a nerve-fraying rise and fall of worry and relief that makes it hard to plan for the future.

    The war in Ukraine continues unabated. In this photo provided by the Ukrainian Emergency Service, firefighters put out a fire in a gas station following a Russian air attack in Sumy on Thursday.

    Last year, Pavliutina, who has worked as a chef, began thinking it might be time to, as she put it, self-deport.

    The children adjusted to the U.S., she said, learning English, making friends, and earning good grades in school. They also hear other kids talking up Trump, whose pledge to deport millions of immigrants was central to his election campaign.

    Son Yegor said he’s ready to move, “because I’m tired of America a bit.” Nina did not wish to be interviewed.

    Their mother follows the news.

    “It’s a little bit concerning, to be honest with you, because you don’t know when exactly it will be triggered to some kind of violence,” Pavliutina said. “For me it’s easier to think about a new country than to stay here with unknown status, with an unknown future.”

    She’ll miss their house in Perkasie, she said. In fact, it was a new American friend who provided the private loan for her to buy it, an example, she said, of the extraordinary kindness that’s been shown to her family.

    When she hears “Make America Great,” Pavliutina said, she thinks of the countless big and small acts of caring offered by everyday people, the Americans who help others simply because it’s their nature and think it’s a good thing to do. That’s what makes America great, she said.

    “I would definitely keep it in my heart, everything and everyone who was contributing to our life here,” Pavliutina said. “I love the country. I love the people. I just don’t feel safe to stay. And I don’t see the legal way to do so.”

  • Democrats in half of states sue Trump administration over Medicaid work rules

    Democrats in half of states sue Trump administration over Medicaid work rules

    NEW YORK — Democrats in 25 states and the District of Columbia on Monday sued the Trump administration over its recent guidance on new Medicaid work requirements, arguing the strict rules will prevent eligible Americans from accessing the care they need.

    The attorneys general and governors who filed the lawsuit allege that an interim final rule released earlier this month by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services oversteps the text of the law last summer that set in motion the changes to Medicaid.

    They claim the Republican administration’s narrow interpretation of parts of the statute, including new limits to a medical frailty exemption, will create harmful coverage barriers and chaos in states that have been rushing to implement new systems by the January deadline.

    “Added administrative burdens will cause individuals who are eligible for Medicaid to lose or be denied coverage,” the plaintiffs write. “People with disabilities, patients in the middle of cancer treatment, or those struggling with another serious or complex health condition, shouldn’t be at risk of losing the care that helps maintain their health.”

    Spokespeople for the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and CMS, the agencies named in the lawsuit, didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment. The Trump administration has promoted the new rules as commonsense measures to eliminate government freeloading and preserve benefits for those who need them most.

    The new Medicaid restrictions, which Democrats have criticized, were part of Trump’s big tax and policy law in 2025. The change affects those covered through an expansion in most states that gave more lower-income people access to the government’s safety net healthcare program.

    Starting Jan. 1, expansion enrollees age 19 to 64 will have to show that they work or do community service at least 80 hours a month or are in school at least half the time. There are exceptions for those considered medically frail or in addiction treatment programs, among others.

    This month’s announcement from CMS caught states off guard with a new definition of medical frailty. The law had said medically frail people include those who have substance use disorders, disabilities, or serious medical conditions. But the CMS rule went further, saying someone’s condition must “significantly impair” their ability to work, volunteer, or attend school at the rates required in the law for them to be granted an exemption.

    In 2027 and once in 2028, the patient can attest that they meet this definition. But when they try to renew coverage in 2028, they’ll need to prove it. Health analysts and state Medicaid directors have said they aren’t clear on what existing documentation could prove that point.

    In the lawsuit, states allege that this change came “contrary to months of regular communications with CMS and preliminary guidance materials upon which Plaintiff States based their implementation plans.” They say CMS has still not provided states with enough clarity on how they can update their systems appropriately.

    Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro joined the suit, continuing a trend since last year of committing Pennsylvania to these cases that the state’s Republican attorney general has sat out.

    “Donald Trump, Dr. Oz, and RFK Jr. are hellbent on trying to push aside people who rely on Medicaid to get the care they need,” Shapiro said on X. “But here in Pennsylvania, we’re going to keep standing up to protect our most vulnerable Pennsylvanians.”

    New York Attorney General Letitia James, one of the Democrats suing the administration, said the new rule puts thousands of her state’s residents at risk.

    “New Yorkers who are battling cancer, living with a disability, managing a serious mental health condition, or recovering from addiction should be able to get the healthcare they need without being buried in paperwork,” she said in a statement.

  • Supreme Court expands Trump’s power over the federal bureaucracy, with an exception

    Supreme Court expands Trump’s power over the federal bureaucracy, with an exception

    The Supreme Court greatly expanded President Donald Trump’s control over the federal bureaucracy Monday, but stopped short of allowing him to undermine the independence of the Federal Reserve in a pair of rulings that amount to one of the largest verdicts on the scope of presidential power in decades.

    In a 6-3 ideologically divided decision, the justices struck down a nearly century-old precedent that has allowed Congress to insulate the leaders of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and roughly two dozen other independent regulatory agencies from political influence by requiring the president have good reason to dismiss them.

    The ruling is likely to usher in major changes to the structure of the federal government, and it fulfills a major goal of the Trump administration and many conservatives who have long argued that the president should exercise nearly unfettered authority over the executive branch.

    In the other related case, a group of justices blocked Trump from removing Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook, at least for now, in a 5-4 ruling that found the powerful central bank has a distinct history and structure that allows Congress to carve out protections for its governors, unlike other independent agencies.

    Taken together, the cases amount to a split political decision for Trump, who has pushed aggressively in his second term to assert his authority over federal government by dismissing agency heads, restructuring departments, and firing thousands of federal workers.

    Trump hailed the ruling in the FTC case as a “BIG WIN” in a post on Truth Social, while saying he would continue the fight to try to remove Cook.

    “90 years of precedent has been COMPLETELY AND UNEQUIVOCALLY OVERRULED, greatly increasing Presidential Power at a time when it is most needed!” Trump wrote.

    Republicans said the FTC ruling would make the government more accountable to voters who elect the president, but Democrats and some former agency officials worried it would lead to the politicization of regulations on product safety, elections, nuclear energy, and much more. The ruling in the Cook case is provisional and it will return to the lower courts for additional legal wrangling.

    The majority said the Constitution’s plain language gives the president control of the executive branch, but Justice Sonia Sotomayor, joined by the court’s other two liberals, said in dissent that the nation’s founders clearly envisioned the existence of agencies whose independence would be protected by Congress. Sotomayor read her dissent from the bench to signal her strong disagreement with the majority.

    “Today, the majority replaces 90 years of proven, workable practice with a half-baked theory of executive power that is simultaneously all encompassing yet also subject to necessary but undefined exceptions,” she wrote. “The one thing that does appear to be clear going forward is that chaos will follow.”

    Sotomayor said the ruling would upset the structure of numerous agencies — such as the Federal Communications Commission and the Securities and Exchange Commission — that Congress created to make decisions based on nonpartisan expertise and technical knowledge. Most are run by bipartisan, multimember commissions.

    Gillian Metzger, a Columbia University law professor and expert on administrative law, said she was struck by the breadth of the FTC ruling, which could give Trump direct control over virtually all federal employees.

    “There’s language in the Slaughter majority opinion that is exceptionally broad,” Metzger said, referring to the case’s name. “The president has the power to remove at will his subordinates. That is extraordinarily broad.”

    Metzger said it was notable that the court cited no exceptions for the civil service protections that protect many federal workers from arbitrary dismissal or political retaliation. That could mean the court is possibly granting the president greater authority to remove federal workers, she said, although other court precedents protect them.

    Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. wrote the majority opinion, joined by the court’s five other conservatives. He said the congressionally-mandated protections that kept the president from firing Rebecca Slaughter, a Democratic member of the Federal Trade Commission, were unconstitutional.

    “We hold that such protection from removal is contrary to the separation of powers enshrined in the Constitution,” Roberts wrote.

    In the Federal Reserve case, the narrow majority from across the court’s ideological spectrum ruled that Cook could keep her job while a lawsuit challenging her dismissal plays out in the courts. The case could take months or years to resolve and appear again before the justices, who said Monday that Cook is likely to prevail.

    Roberts wrote the majority opinion in the Cook case as well, joined by the court’s three liberals as well as conservative Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh. Roberts wrote that Congress had created the Federal Reserve to operate with independence from the president.

    “Any change in that scheme must come from Congress, not the courts,” he wrote. “That is why we cannot accept the Government’s contentions in this case. To do so would allow the President to remove a member of the Federal Reserve at any time, for any reason, without any notice before, and without any judicial check after.”

    Four of the court’s conservatives objected. Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr., joined by Justice Neil M. Gorsuch, wrote in a dissent that the Supreme Court was premature in taking up Cook’s case. Justices Clarence Thomas and Amy Coney Barrett argued that the majority was wrong on the substance.

    “Today’s decision is an unprecedented incursion on the Executive Branch,” Thomas wrote in his dissent. “Neither the parties nor the Court can point to a single time in American history that this Court has upheld an injunction against the President’s removal of an executive officer.”

    Legal experts had long expected the court to rule against the decades-old precedent affirming Congress’ right to create independent agencies, known as Humphrey’s Executor, because the justices have been chipping away at it for years. Roberts called it a “dried husk” during oral arguments in December.

    The Supreme Court has repeatedly backed Trump’s efforts to remove the heads of independent agencies on its emergency docket, allowing him to dismiss members of the National Labor Relations Board, Merit Systems Protection Board, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission in rulings over the last year or so.

    Likewise, the ruling in the Cook case came as little surprise because some justices had signaled they were interested in carving out an exception to the president’s removal authority for the Fed.

    Trump fired Slaughter and the other Democrat on the five-member FTC, Alvaro Bedoya, without giving a cause in March 2025. The dismissals were part of a broader campaign by the president to remove perceived liberal leaders from independent agencies and replace them with loyalists.

    Slaughter challenged her dismissal in federal court, saying Trump had exceeded his authority under the law creating the FTC. The law says the president can fire members only for “inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office.” The agency works on antitrust and consumer protection issues.

    A federal judge cited the Humphrey’s Executor precedent in reinstating Slaughter to her position. That decision was upheld by an appeals court before the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to intervene. Roberts paused Slaughter’s reinstatement in September so the high court could weigh the administration’s appeal.

    During arguments in December, Solicitor General D. John Sauer said regulatory agencies like the FTC had become “a headless fourth branch insulated from political accountability and democratic control,” and that curbing the president’s power to remove agency heads infringed on his constitutional powers.

    Trump has often disparaged the federal bureaucracy as a “deep state” determined to undermine his agenda. He has moved to fire thousands of federal workers, shutter agencies, and remove civil service protections to bring the government more firmly under his control.

    Many in the administration support the so-called unitary executive theory, which holds that the Constitution vests direct control of the executive branch solely in the president, and he is free to fire any of its officials at will. Since the Reagan administration, conservatives have pushed to give the president greater control over hiring and firing in the government.

    Trump initially nominated Slaughter to the FTC in 2018. She was unanimously approved by the Senate before President Joe Biden renominated her in 2023. Slaughter has become an outspoken critic of Trump’s efforts to cut the federal workforce.

    Slaughter said she was disappointed with the ruling.

    “What we have seen is a massive expansion of executive power at the expense of Congress, which has designed these agencies to work on behalf of the people and not the powerful,” Slaughter said.

    The majority wrote in its Cook ruling Monday that the Fed is different from other independent agencies because its structure echoes U.S. national banks whose genesis goes back to before the Constitution.

    Congress created the Fed to be independent of the president so it could make difficult decisions — such as raising interest rates — that are good for the health of the economy but may not be politically popular.

    Trump is the first president in the Fed’s 112-year history to try to fire one of its board members. In August, Trump alleged that Cook claimed two homes as primary residences to get a better mortgage rate. In filings with the Supreme Court, Cook “unequivocally” denied the allegations.

    The high court case revolved around whether Trump’s attempt to fire Cook complied with the Federal Reserve Act, which says Fed board members can only be ousted “for cause.”

    Days after Trump announced on social media in August that he was firing Cook, she sued in federal court, arguing that Trump’s accusations did not meet the standard for “for cause” removal because the allegations occurred before she was on the Fed board and had not been proved. Her attorneys also said she had not been given due process.

    A federal judge in D.C. sided with Cook, allowing her to remain on the job temporarily. A divided appeals court affirmed that decision, before the Trump administration appealed to the Supreme Court. The justices ruled in October that Cook could continue at the Fed while they considered her case.

    During arguments in January, Solicitor General D. John Sauer told the justices that the mortgage allegations gave Trump reason enough to fire Cook and that the courts did not have the authority to second-guess his determination.

    “The American people should not have their interest rates determined by someone who was, at best, grossly negligent in obtaining favorable interest rates for herself,” Sauer said.

    Paul D. Clement, an attorney for Cook, said the justices would be rash to rule on the Trump administration’s emergency request to oust Cook from her job without the benefit of additional fact-finding and legal proceedings.

    “There is no reason to abandon more than 100 years of central bank independence on an emergency application,” Clement said.

    After Monday’s ruling, Trump wrote on Truth Social that “we will take appropriate action immediately to make sure that someone who has committed wrongdoing will not be making vital decisions concerning the Welfare of the United States of America!”

    Cook said in a statement she was pleased.

    “Today’s ruling affirms a principle that has underpinned sound economic stewardship for generations: that the Federal Reserve must make all its policy decisions guided by evidence and independent judgment, free from political interference,” Cook said. “This bedrock principle has guided the Federal Reserve since its founding.”

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