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  • The political operatives who powered Mamdani’s and Fetterman’s campaigns are trying to win back House seats in Pa.

    The political operatives who powered Mamdani’s and Fetterman’s campaigns are trying to win back House seats in Pa.

    Eric Stern drove out to Erie last January and got a slice of pizza with Christina Vogel at Donato’s, the downtown shop she has owned for nine years.

    The small-business owner and political novice was interested in running for county executive against a vulnerable Republican incumbent. Stern, a longtime Democratic political operative, was part of a newly founded firm looking for candidates to help flip Republican-held seats.

    “It all started with trying to find candidates who were, frankly, better messengers for the values we had and the things we cared about,” Stern said. “She was someone who understood the urgency of this moment as a small-business owner and mom but just as critically was not part of this broken system that had Democrats losing in the past.”

    A year later, Vogel is the newly elected Democratic county executive after flipping one of the most famously swingy counties in the nation, widely seen as a presidential bellwether. And Stern’s firm, FIGHT, a national Democratic media consulting agency based in Pennsylvania, could play a critical role in elevating other Democratic challengers in 2026, when control of Congress is up for grabs.

    FIGHT is working with Scranton Mayor Paige Cognetti in Northeast Pennsylvania and firefighter Bob Brooks in the Lehigh Valley. U.S. Rep Rob Bresnahan and U.S. Rep. Ryan Mackenzie, the freshman Republicans who represent those areas, each won by about a percentage point in 2024, making them two of the most vulnerable incumbents in next year’s elections.

    This past year FIGHT’s six-person team helped Zohran Mamdani win the New York mayoral race, the buzziest contest of the cycle. The Philadelphia-based agency had a hand in the Pennsylvania Supreme Court slate’s retention, county executive wins in Lehigh and Erie, and two successful Democratic judicial campaigns in the state.

    The firm was cofounded by Rebecca Katz, a Central High graduate who lives in New York; Philadelphia ad-maker Tommy McDonald; and Julian Mulvey, an architect of Sen. Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign.

    “New York isn’t Pennsylvania and Pennsylvania isn’t New York,” Katz said of lessons learned from Mamdani’s win, also noting primaries and generals are extremely different. “But there’s a universal desire for authentic candidates laser-focused on the affordability crisis.”

    The strategists started the firm in January 2025 after Democrats suffered across-the-board losses in 2024, a year she helped Sen. Ruben Gallego defy that trend and win an open seat in Arizona.

    Stern, a Pittsburgh native and resident, and McDonald both quit their jobs to sign on with the agency.

    Their most basic strategy is creating authentic campaigns that reflect the communities the candidates are running in, clear economic messaging, and trying different things across media platforms to win back working-class voters, Katz said.

    “We try to think about what makes an ad pop, what makes people look up from their phone, or, if they’re on their phone, what makes them stay there,” Katz said. “It can’t look like everything else on TV.”

    Tommy McDonald (left), and Eric Stern (right), are longtime Democratic media consultants now with FIGHT, a Philly-based agency working on two key Congressional races in Pennsylvania in 2026.

    ‘A new road map’

    In the November election, standing out meant ads about the state Supreme Court race that featured Pennsylvanians talking directly to the camera about how they felt their rights had been protected by the three justices on the ballot, who were all first elected as Democrats. Sixteen Pennsylvania counties that Vice President Kamala Harris lost wound up voting to retain the judges in the most expensive judicial contest in state history.

    The victory provided a blueprint for Gov. Josh Shapiro and other Democrats running in Pennsylvania in 2026, said McDonald, who made the ads for the retention race.

    “These are the typical working-class voters that Democrats are bleeding,” McDonald said. “It’s Beaver County. It’s where the New York Times visits diners. It showed us there’s a new road map for how to get persuadable voters in Pennsylvania. We know where they are now.”

    Stern, Katz, and McDonald all worked on Fetterman’s 2022 campaign, a race that included the unprecedented challenge of navigating a candidate’s stroke days before the primary and running a general election campaign as he recovered.

    They wound up winning awards for the campaign, which featured bright yellow and black branding and creative trolling of Republican nominee Mehmet Oz’s New Jersey ties. McDonald had the idea to fly a banner plane along the Jersey shoreline: “HEY DR. OZ, WELCOME HOME TO NJ! ♥ JOHN,” it read.

    They called that July, which also included Jersey Shore cast member Nicole “Snooki” Polizzi making a surprise cameo, “New Jersey Summer.”

    “We all learned politics here,” McDonald said of his home state. “The idea is to try to do things differently, redefine Democratic campaigns.”

    This year, political headwinds certainly helped Democrats, but hyperlocal messaging did, too, the strategists argue.

    Stern worked with Vogel’s campaign in Erie to create ads that looked like a pizzeria’s commercials, to stand out from the cookie-cutter format.

    ”In Erie County, we know good things start with the right ingredients,” the ad says as a hand scatters toppings atop a pie.

    Another ad showed Republicans and self-proclaimed three-time Donald Trump voters on-camera saying they were supporting Vogel over the incumbent, Republican Brenton Davis. A Democrat cannot win in the county without some independent and Republican support.

    “They were all people I met on the campaign trail,” Vogel said of the ad. “We really focused on what matters most with affordability, how stretched thin people are across the U.S., and just focused relentlessly on the same message and reminding people why voting matters.”

    And in Lehigh County, a slightly bluer but still purple region, Stern worked with State Rep. Josh Siegel’s campaign for county executive. That was more of an offensive against Republican Roger MacLean, a former Allentown police chief, whom ads described as a “grifter and a disgrace,” highlighting his multiple beach houses amid an affordability crisis.

    “We came up with an ad strategy that basically determined the most important thing was to beat the crap out of this guy,” Stern said.

    “I think Democrats have pulled their punches for way too long,” he added. “There’s a difference between fighting dirty and fighting back, and we have to be in a position where we’re willing to say, ‘We’re here to fight.’”

    Siegel, 32, soon to become the youngest county executive in Pennsylvania history, credited the agency with urging him to be specific in his pitch to voters.

    “For me, the problem with the way we communicate as Democrats is part of the professional consultant class has created this art form of saying a lot and saying nothing,” he said. “I think people have a particularly adept bulls— detector and they are tired of what is just the most inoffensive, poll-tested, style-over-substance speak we’ve perfected.”

    As they look to next year, Stern thinks anti-corruption will be the key issue in the race against Bresnahan in the Northeast. Bresnahan has faced criticism for stock trading while in Congress. Cognetti, his opponent, has been the mayor since 2020, when she won on an anti-corruption platform.

    While affordability runs across races, Stern said campaigns cannot make the mistake of being too general in their messaging. “There’s no one right message that cuts across all these districts,” he said.

    “Too many folks are running the same ads or calling the same plays they would have a decade ago. We are in a different world. Things have totally changed in a million different ways.”

  • Drugs took both her sons and her leg. Now, Kelly Wyatt is committed to staying sober.

    Drugs took both her sons and her leg. Now, Kelly Wyatt is committed to staying sober.

    Kelly Wyatt winced as a nurse unwrapped layers of gauze from her left leg, exposing the massive wound beneath.

    Yellow and red and gray, weeping plasma and agonizingly painful at the slightest touch, it covered almost the entirety of the end of her leg — the site of the amputation she had undergone four years before.

    Emergency room doctors at the time had warned her that if the drugs she was using didn’t kill her, her wounds would.

    Now Wyatt is 14 months into recovery from an addiction to fentanyl, a potent synthetic opioid, and xylazine, an animal tranquilizer never approved for human use. The emergence of xylazine, known as “tranq” on the streets, early in the decade marked the beginning of a dangerous new era for Philadelphians addicted to illicit opioids.

    Tranq users developed skin lesions that became gaping wounds, though exactly how is still unclear. As the medical establishment scrambled to respond, amputations more than doubled among people addicted to opioids between 2019 and 2022.

    Wyatt, 52, is among hundreds of Philadelphians facing lifelong medical needs from tranq, as the latest wave of the area’s drug crisis has seen a rapidly evolving succession of veterinary and industrial chemicals compound the dangers of the powerful opioids being sold on the streets.

    Some have become regular patients in burn units and wound care clinics at area hospitals, among the only places capable of treating severe tranq injuries.

    As part of its ongoing coverage of the area’s drug crisis, The Inquirer followed Wyatt for more than a year as she went through early recovery and worked with doctors to heal her wound.

    Kelly Wyatt receives treatment at Jefferson Einstein Philadelphia Hospital’s Center for Wound Healing in Philadelphia in November.

    Wyatt initially shrugged when the small sores had emerged on her legs, only to watch them grow into massive abscesses, resulting in an amputation below her knee. Her ongoing tranq use prevented the wound on her left leg from healing properly. Even after recent months of sobriety and careful treatment, doctors are still warning her that they may have to amputate more of her leg.

    But Wyatt’s tranq wounds go still deeper.

    Over the last several years, both of her sons had spiraled into addiction. By January, both of them were dead.

    A family photo of Dakota Wyatt, left, and Tyler, right.

    Spiraling into addiction

    Several members of Wyatt’s family have struggled with addiction.

    Wyatt experimented with drugs as a teenager, but was sober during her kids’ early childhoods. She didn’t drink alcohol, let alone seek out illicit drugs, after giving birth to her eldest son, Dakota, at 18. She raised two sons and a daughter in a neighborhood near Pennypack Park.

    Her days had a familiar rhythm: packing lunches, picking the kids up from school, watching them play together at the local park. In her spare time, she dabbled in mixed-media art, designing the window displays at the downtown restaurant where she worked for years. One Philadelphia Flower Show-themed display had a working waterfall.

    Her youngest, Tyler, was a happy child, grinning wide in every school picture and sharing inside jokes and a love for music with his brother. Dakota, more sensitive, had struggled with anxiety from an early age; Wyatt remembers him asking her at bedtime what the family would do if their house burned down in the night. But he could always make her laugh, and she and the boys would sing along to the same music in the car: ’90s alt-rock, Johnny Cash, the local hip-hop station.

    In 1999, she divorced their father. A few years later, at 28, she took her first Percocet pill, an opioid painkiller approved for medical use that is widely abused as a street drug. She had just started working at a bar, and the long hours were wearing on her.

    With the pills, “I could get more cleaning done, I could push my body more,” she said. “And it snowballed.”

    She was not aware when her sons began using drugs themselves in their teenage years. “I didn’t know for a long, long time,” she said.

    Afterward, Wyatt tried to help them seek treatment, even while her own drug use increased, she said.

    But a series of traumatic life events resulted in all falling deeper into addiction together.

    Wyatt’s ex-husband died following long-standing health issues, including diabetes.

    Then Dakota, who drove a Zamboni at a local ice rink, was injured in an accident at work — losing the tips of his fingers while cleaning the machine. He had been using more opioids to deal with the pain.

    Wyatt began buying drugs with him in Kensington, at the vast open-air drug market that is the epicenter of Philadelphia’s opioid crisis. “It was normalizing — I’m his mom and I’m with him in that crazy environment. I’m sure it made him feel like it was OK. And I regret that,” Wyatt said.

    “I regret a lot of stuff. But that was the beginning.”

    Kelly Wyatt leaves her wound care appointment at Jefferson Einstein Philadelphia Hospital’s Center for Wound Healing in November.

    Tranq warning signs

    It was the mid-2010s, and the drugs on the street were changing. The stronger synthetic opioid fentanyl was just emerging; dealers chanted “fetty-fetty-fetty” on the corners to draw in customers.

    And then Wyatt began hearing talk of “tranq” getting mixed into the drug supply.

    That was around the time that Dakota developed wounds on his arm, open sores that would not close. Wyatt found small wounds on her arms and legs — “like melon-ball scoops.”

    One day, she saw a flier, handed out by health authorities in Kensington, warning that tranq can cause skin lesions.

    “All of a sudden,” she recalled, “things made sense.”

    But her addiction was so severe that she was afraid to stop using the fentanyl-tranq mix now prevalent in the illicit drug market. She fixated on avoiding xylazine’s severe withdrawal symptoms — chills, sweating, anxiety, and agitation — which don’t respond to traditional opioid withdrawal medications. She worried about seeking treatment with no guarantee of relief.

    By the time Wyatt was admitted to a hospital in 2021, she was hallucinating from sepsis, a severe complication from an infection that can lead to organ failure, shock, and death.

    When she woke up eight days later, a doctor told her she was at risk of having one leg amputated, and maybe both. “Please let me keep as much of my leg as possible,” she recalls begging a doctor who wanted to remove her entire leg.

    Kelly Wyatt receives treatment for a serious xylazine wound at the site of her amputation at Jefferson Einstein Philadelphia Hospital’s Center for Wound Healing in November.

    “The doctor thought I should get the whole leg cut off. The other thing I could do was amputate below the knee, and then get tons of operations for the infection,” she said.

    Her oldest son’s tranq wounds had also worsened. Dakota had wounds on his legs and an arm, which was eventually amputated later that year. He also suffered a heart infection linked to his drug use, and needed a valve replacement.

    After a month in the hospital, he came home and continued using drugs.

    He developed new lesions. Maggots ate at his rotting skin. Wyatt cleaned the bugs out of his wounds.

    Wyatt tried bargaining with her son, promising they could get addiction treatment together. She offered to get him enough drugs that he wouldn’t enter withdrawal while waiting for care at the hospital. Sometimes, he managed to stay at the hospital for a few hours, but never longer.

    “He was too embarrassed to go anywhere, he was too afraid to get clean, and he was too afraid to be sick. He told us he would rather die than go through withdrawal again,” she said. “A couple times, he asked me if I wanted to just shoot up and lay down and die with him.”

    “‘I want to live,’” she recalls telling him, “‘and I don’t want to live without you.’”

    Kelly Wyatt waits for treatment for a serious wound on her leg at Jefferson Einstein Philadelphia Hospital’s Center for Wound Healing in November.

    Loss and recovery

    One night in January 2024, Dakota was having trouble breathing and seemed to be hallucinating, speaking nonsense. He asked Wyatt to call an ambulance to the house.

    Dakota died before the family reached the hospital. His cause of death was listed as drug intoxication.

    Wyatt believes ongoing health issues from his wounds hastened his death. Her grief intensified her own drug use, leading to more xylazine wounds. The wound that had opened near her amputation grew worse.

    A month after Dakota’s death, she entered drug treatment. After three months, she relapsed and overdosed on cocaine and fentanyl. Her first thought after waking up was to use again, but instead she chose rehab.

    “I didn’t want to die,” Wyatt said. “I didn’t want to be in pain anymore.”

    She arrived at the Behavioral Wellness Center at Girard in July 2024, hoping to enter outpatient rehab.

    Instead, physicians recommended their inpatient clinic that could also treat her wounds, one of the few such facilities in Philadelphia.

    In August 2024, Kelly Wyatt attended a wound care appointment as part of her inpatient care at Girard Behavioral Health, one of a few addiction rehabs in the city that can treat xylazine wounds.

    Wyatt was living there and undergoing treatment a month later, in August 2024, when she wheeled her motorized wheelchair into a clinic room and took deep breaths as nurses carefully peeled back layers of moisturized gauze on her left leg, cleaning the wound.

    Still in the shaky early months of recovery, and needing to remain in inpatient rehab, she remained worried about Tyler, who was still using drugs.

    “He was the primary caretaker of his brother. They would be in their room, getting high together. And now he’s just in that room by himself, day in and day out,” she said in an interview that summer.

    “I kept saying, ‘I think I should go home to him.’ And everybody kept saying to me, ‘You have to work on yourself first. He’ll be fine,’” she later recalled.

    “And then he wasn’t fine.”

    Kelly Wyatt and her partner Randy Stewart at the headquarters of Resources for Human Development, which runs the skilled nursing and inpatient addiction treatment center where Wyatt sought treatment this winter.

    A mother’s guilt

    Wyatt was still in rehab in January 2025 when her partner, Randy Stewart, called. He hadn’t seen Tyler in hours and thought he might have left the family’s house.

    Wyatt called several hospitals and then asked Randy to check the bathroom in the back of the house.

    He found Tyler on the floor.

    “I just thought, God, please no,” Wyatt said. “Not again. You can’t do this to me again.”

    Tyler’s cause of death was also listed as “drug intoxication.”

    He died at 27, a year and 10 days after his brother.

    Wyatt is still wracked by guilt. Guilt that she used drugs with her sons. That she used drugs at all. That she wasn’t there when either of her boys died. That her daughter, who does not use drugs, stopped speaking to her. Sometimes, she dreams about her children and wakes up screaming.

    As she continues treatment, Wyatt said, she hopes her story will help other families struggling with addiction, especially the realities of tranq use.

    “Sometimes I’m embarrassed to talk about it. But I feel like I have to,” she said. “Because people need to know. If one person sees this and gets some medical care, gets any kind of help, I would be happy.”

    Heidi Hunt, a wound care-certified registered nurse, cleans the wound on Kelly Wyatt’s leg at Jefferson Einstein Philadelphia Hospital’s Center for Wound Healing in November.

    Treating tranq’s wounds

    For Wyatt, maintaining her recovery from addiction and caring for her wounds are full-time occupations that sometimes are in conflict.

    Methadone, the opioid addiction treatment drug that has helped Wyatt curb cravings for more than a year, can be dispensed only at special clinics.

    Wyatt’s clinic journey meant three hours a day on a bus where she couldn’t keep her leg elevated. The wound worsened until she was able to switch to a closer methadone clinic.

    Wyatt relies on Stewart to help her move around her home, where the only bathroom that she can access is the one where Tyler died.

    “Cleaning, taking care of me, changing my wound dressings, talking about my sons — he calms me down. It’s been a lot, and he’s really done a lot,” she said.

    Kelly Wyatt and her partner Randy Stewart in July.

    Once a week, Wyatt travels to Jefferson Einstein Philadelphia Hospital’s Center for Wound Healing for wound care.

    At a recent appointment, nurse practitioner Danielle Curran scraped away infected skin, measured the wounds, cleaned and re-bandaged her lesion.

    In between office visits, nurses also go to her home to clean and re-bandage her wound twice weekly. Several times this year, Wyatt has undergone debridement surgery to remove more damaged skin under anesthesia.

    If the treatments manage to shrink her wound, Curran said, Wyatt could try a skin graft and eventually receive a prosthetic leg that could help her get around more easily.

    Curran has treated about 20 xylazine patients at the clinic over the last few years. About 10, including Wyatt, are still getting regular care. Others have relapsed and returned to the streets. Several have died of overdoses.

    She is relieved that, as Philadelphia’s opioid crisis continues to evolve, tranq is becoming less prevalent. But it has been replaced in street drugs by another animal tranquilizer, medetomidine, which does not appear to cause flesh wounds but, rather, agonizing withdrawal symptoms. Skin lesions among opioid users have decreased in the last year.

    Yet Curran still insists on seeing patients like Wyatt with xylazine wounds weekly, trying to help them through their injuries and hopefully their recovery, too. “I like to be another person holding them accountable, to stay on the path. We try to give them that support.”

    Sometimes, that support means simply reminding Wyatt how far she has come in the four years since the amputation, and now 14 months of sobriety.

    At a recent appointment, after carefully scraping dead skin away from Wyatt’s leg with a small curette, Curran walked through her next steps: A disinfecting gel to keep bacteria out of the wound. A course of antibiotics to avoid infection. Another debridement surgery, in a few weeks.

    “As a rule of thumb,” Curran told a reporter, “it’s very hard to give timelines for wound care, because of all the things that could possibly go wrong. A wound this size, though? It could take years.”

    Wyatt began to cry. “It’s already been four years,” she said.

    Curran turned to her. “You’ve made so much progress,” she said gently. “Give yourself time.”

    Kelly Wyatt enters the wound care clinic at Girard Behavioral Health in August 2024.

    Editor’s note: This story has been updated to clarify the name of the Jefferson Health clinic where Kelly Wyatt received wound care.

  • Swarthmore College hopes to redevelop Cunningham Fields as its athletic infrastructure ages

    Swarthmore College hopes to redevelop Cunningham Fields as its athletic infrastructure ages

    As Swarthmore College embarks on an ambitious campaign to update its campus infrastructure, plans for a redeveloped athletic complex are taking shape. Under the college’s proposal, Cunningham Fields, a set of playing fields located off College Avenue and North Chester Road, would be redesigned to include updated grass and turf fields, new tennis courts, spectator seating, and a pavilion with restrooms and team meeting areas.

    As the lengthy development process between the borough and the college continues to play out, here’s what you need to know about the proposed redesign.

    What is Cunningham Fields?

    Cunningham Fields is a set of athletic fields located on the Swarthmore College campus, off College Avenue and North Chester Road. The complex currently includes four grass fields, six tennis courts, locker rooms, and restrooms. The fields are used for lacrosse, field hockey, soccer, rugby, and Ultimate Frisbee practice. They are open to the public when they are not in use by the college.

    What does the proposed renovation look like?

    The Cunningham Fields redesign proposes the construction of three new sports fields; a pavilion with restrooms, team meeting areas, a training room, and storage; additional spectator viewing areas; and the addition of six tennis courts and relocation of existing tennis courts.

    One all-purpose turf field would be installed for soccer, lacrosse, rugby, Ultimate Frisbee, kickball, and flag football. The all-purpose field would not have lighting, a sound system, or permanent seating.

    A second proposed turf field would be used primarily for field hockey. That field would include spectator seating for up to 160 people, a press box, a scoreboard, a sound system, and lighting, per NCAA regulations. The field may be lit from 4 to 8 p.m., depending on the season, with the option to extend to 10 p.m. one day a week for fall night games. The use of the sound system would be limited to intercollegiate games, which the college says typically occur twice a week during the season.

    A new grass field would be put in primarily for soccer, rugby, and other recreational activities. The field would not have lighting or a sound system, and would be designed as a “quiet and calm environment,” the college says.

    The proposal also includes renovating existing tennis courts and adding six courts, which the college says would allow the men’s and women’s teams to play side by side.

    Why does the college want to renovate Cunningham Fields?

    The Cunningham Fields renovation is part of a larger plan for Swarthmore’s athletic facilities, which the college says are in need of major updates.

    Cunningham Fields currently presents “a unique set of challenges,” according to the college. The natural grass fields require significant maintenance. Its tennis courts have poor drainage and no spectator seats and are split between two locations, creating scheduling conflicts during meets. In addition to Cunningham Fields, the college says, Swarthmore’s Lamb-Miller Field House is “at the end of its usable life” and no longer meets NCAA requirements.

    A spokesperson for the college said in a statement that the proposed development is “an exciting project designed to meet the needs of our students while also serving as a resource for the broader Swarthmore College and Borough community.”

    The proposed renovation follows the 2024 adoption of “Swarthmore Forward,” a strategic plan that articulates the college’s vision for nurturing “all aspects” of students’ well-being, including health and wellness.

    How has the Cunningham Fields proposal changed over time?

    After receiving community feedback, the college says it has made significant changes to its initial plans and is “committed to preserving a true parklike character” through modern lighting and sound technology, quiet hours, deliberate scheduling, and environmentally responsible materials, among other measures.

    While the college initially planned to put lighting on all of the new fields, it now plans to light only the tennis courts and field hockey field. Plans for a new fitness court have been eliminated. Spectator seating and new netting have been pared back.

    To address the complaint of buses waiting along College Avenue, the South Cunningham Lot would be used as the main entry point, and drop-off and pickup would take place at a dedicated area near the parking lot entrance off South Chester Road.

    Has the borough approved the renovations?

    Not yet. Swarthmore College is in the middle of a development process with the borough that could take months, or longer.

    When property owners want to build something that does not comply with the existing zoning code (like the Cunningham Fields proposal), they can go through one of two avenues. Developers can either request that a municipality rezone its specific parcel of land, or propose a text amendment, which changes the municipality’s zoning code at-large.

    The college has gone the latter route, requesting an amendment to the borough’s zoning code. As proposed by the college, the amendment would add various permitted uses to the current IN-B Institutional District code, including changes that would affect the allowance of tennis courts, walking paths, safety netting, and scoreboards.

    Before a text amendment can be passed, it has to go through the borough’s planning and zoning committee, borough council, and planning commission. At a meeting on Dec. 1, the Swarthmore Borough Council discussed traffic, environmental impacts, and noise issues, raising questions like how late the college could use its field lights and where and when spectators could park for games. The council plans to send a list of questions and concerns to the planning commission by the end of the month. The commission will then study those issues before returning with a recommendation.

    If the zoning amendment is approved, the college’s development proposal would then have to go through an approval process with the county and borough, introducing another set of public meetings.

    How do residents feel?

    At a Nov. 20 meeting of Swarthmore’s planning and zoning commission, fears about changing neighborhood character and environmental impacts dominated public comment, according to the Swarthmorean, a community newspaper. Some residents expressed concerns about disruptive late-night athletic games, while others questioned the college’s decision to pursue a text amendment rather than a zone change.

    In its statement, the college said it looks forward to “continued engagement with our neighbors and the Borough as the process moves forward and to creating a space that benefits both the College and Swarthmore residents.”

    This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.

  • The share of Asian residents living in Philly’s Chinatown is decreasing, says a new report

    The share of Asian residents living in Philly’s Chinatown is decreasing, says a new report

    Philadelphia’s Chinatown neighborhood has grown significantly over the last decade, but a majority of its gains in population and business have resulted in a decline in the share of Asian residents amid concerns over gentrification and displacement, according to a new report.

    And the situation is not unique to Philly, a study from the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund found. Its counterparts in New York City and Boston — both also historic Chinatowns — are facing similar pressures.

    All three cities’ Chinatowns, in fact, saw declines in their share of Asian residents from 2010 to 2020, the report found. The findings in Philly, meanwhile, come following years of the neighborhood staving off locally planned developments that may have resulted in additional challenges for residents — including the proposed billion-dollar Sixers arena effort abandoned in January after years of heated debate.

    “The Chinatown community is no stranger to fighting off large-scale and predatory development,” said the report from the fund, which provided legal support to community groups during the arena saga. “The arena would have devastated the neighborhood, bringing in a renewed wave of gentrifying pressure for residents and competition for local businesses.”

    The fund recommends that cities like Philadelphia enact community-focused rezoning efforts to protect their Chinatowns’ cultures from those pressures. But, as the report found, Philly’s Chinatown is already seeing substantial demographic shifts.

    For population and race data in 2000 and 2010, the study used the U.S. Census Bureau’s decennial census, which conducts a 100% count of the nation’s population. Figures for 2020 were drawn from estimates from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey for the five-year period of 2018 to 2022, as the study’s authors cited possible data issues in the 2020 decennial census because of the pandemic and the proposed citizenship question.

    An Inquirer analysis that used the decennial census for both 2010 and 2020 shows that Asians remain the largest racial group in Chinatown, with their share of the population falling slightly, from 61% to 57%. White residents’ share of Chinatown’s population grew from 24% to 28%.

    Here are three takeaways from the fund’s report:

    An older, less Asian population

    Between 2010 and 2020, Chinatown’s population grew by 15%, from roughly 5,900 people to nearly 6,800. During that time, much of the growth was driven by an influx of white residents, with that group’s population growing by roughly 76% during that time — and becoming the largest racial group in the area — the report found.

    The overall number of Asian residents, however, remained roughly the same — 2,464 in 2010 vs. 2,445 in 2020. That proportion accounted for about 36% of the neighborhood’s population in 2020, decreasing from 42% in 2010. The white population, meanwhile, accounted for 44% of Chinatown’s residents in 2020, compared with 29% in 2010.

    As a result, the report notes, the area’s growth can be “entirely attributed” to a rush of non-Asian residents over the last decade covered by the U.S. Census. The proportion of Latino residents also increased significantly between 2010 and 2020, with that group growing by 36%, the report found.

    The neighborhood’s population also appears in part to be aging in place, with the number of people 65 and older almost doubling from 2010 to 2020, from 444 residents to 849. Simultaneously, its population of residents up to age 17 decreased by 15% during that time period, and the group ages 18 to 24 decreased by 37%. The group of residents ages 25 to 64, meanwhile, saw a “modest” increase of 22% from 2010 to 2020, the report found.

    Higher rent — and home values

    As the proportion of Chinatown’s Asian population decreased, its rent costs, house values, and homeownership rates all increased, the report found. House values in Chinatown, in fact, were more than double the citywide median in 2020, standing at more than $491,000 in the neighborhood compared with $236,000 in Philadelphia overall.

    Homeownership rates were lower in Chinatown than in the city at large, however, standing at 40% in 2020 compared with 52% citywide. Still, homeownership in Chinatown increased from 31% in 2010 while it fell marginally in the city overall from that year, when it stood at 54%. By comparison, Boston’s homeownership rate in its Chinatown stood at 7% in 2020, while New York’s Chinatown had a 15% homeownership rate that year, the report found.

    Rent in Chinatown was also higher in 2020 compared with the rest of the city, the fund’s report found. The neighborhood’s median rent stood at nearly $1,900, while the city’s was about $1,150 that year.

    Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, the report found, all saw the “transformation of former warehouses, tenement buildings, or rowhouses into luxury apartments and condominiums” over the last decade. Those developments, the fund noted, “fail to expand the housing supply for Chinatown community members” and contribute to rising rents and displacement of low-income residents.

    “Affordable housing is quickly disappearing in Philadelphia’s commercial core,” the fund’s report found.

    Largely local business

    In total, the study found that 92% of Chinatown’s commercial land parcels were small or local businesses in 2020, with restaurants and retail outlets making up a lion’s share of storefronts. Restaurants were the clear growth leader, increasing in number by 40% from the decade prior.

    Nearly all of Chinatown’s restaurants were located south of the Vine Street Expressway, the fund noted. Of those, Asian restaurants dominated the cuisine offered, with most eateries serving Chinese food.

    Still, despite the dominance of Asian restaurants in the neighborhood, Philadelphia did observe the largest shift in Asian to non-Asian restaurants of the three Chinatowns examined in the study. Over the last decade, the proportion of neighborhood Asian restaurants decreased from 85% to 62%, while the area’s non-Asian eateries more than doubled from 15% to 38%.

    The presence of national chains in Philly’s Chinatown doubled between 2010 and 2020, moving from 4% of all businesses to 8%, the study found. Retail stores, meanwhile, made up about 30% of commercial businesses in the neighborhood in 2020, the largest proportion of which were beauty and hair salons, followed by grocery stores and markets.

    Many newer businesses, the study noted, were tailored for younger customers, such as bubble tea and upscale dessert shops, as well as convenience stores that sell snacks rather than groceries — many of which lack indoor dining rooms. That shift may affect older residents, the fund noted.

    “As these types of indoor dining rooms disappear, Chinatown elders have fewer options to spend their time in safe and affordable spaces,” the study said.

    Clarification: This story has been updated to further explain the data used in the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund study.

  • Overnight closures to begin on westbound I-76 at 30th Street, PennDot says

    Overnight closures to begin on westbound I-76 at 30th Street, PennDot says

    The Pennsylvania Department of Transportation said lane restrictions and overnight closures will begin Sunday and last until June for a short westbound stretch of the Schuylkill Expressway at 30th Street to allow for overhead bridge construction.

    The work is part of a $148.9 million project to rehabilitate the bridges that connect Market Street over Amtrak and I-76, the Schuylkill River Trail, and CSX Railroad, PennDot said Wednesday.

    On Sundays through Thursdays from 9 to 10 p.m., I-76 West will be reduced to one lane between 30th Street and the I-676 interchange.

    Then from 10 p.m. to 5 a.m., all the westbound lanes will be closed and traffic will be detoured at 30th Street onto Schuylkill Avenue to then access the ramps to I-76 West and I-676 East.

    The changes will last through June 1.

    Because of the forthcoming holidays, there will be no overnight closures from Dec. 21 through Jan. 3.

    PennDot said motorists can visit www.marketstreetbridges.com to sign up for email notifications and learn more about the project.

  • Trump targets Minnesota’s Somali community with harsh words and policies

    Trump targets Minnesota’s Somali community with harsh words and policies

    MINNEAPOLIS — Recent statements by President Donald Trump and top administration officials disparaging Minnesota’s large Somali community have focused renewed attention on the immigrants from the war-torn east African country and their descendants.

    Trump on Tuesday said he did not want Somalis in the U.S. because “they contribute nothing.” The president spoke soon after a person familiar with the planning said federal authorities are preparing a targeted immigration enforcement operation in Minnesota that would primarily focus on Somali immigrants living unlawfully in the U.S.

    Here are some things to know about Somalis in Minnesota:

    Largest Somali American population in the U.S.

    An estimated 260,000 people of Somali descent were living in the U.S. in 2024, according to the Census Bureau’s annual American Community Survey. The largest population is in the Minneapolis-St. Paul area, home to about 84,000 residents, most of whom are American citizens. Ohio, Washington and California also have significant populations.

    Almost 58% of the Somalis in Minnesota were born in the U.S. Of the foreign-born Somalis in Minnesota, an overwhelming majority — 87% — are naturalized U.S. citizens. Of the foreign-born population, almost half entered the U.S. in 2010 or later, according to the Census Bureau.

    They include many who fled the long civil war in their east African country and were drawn to the state’s welcoming social programs.

    Trump targets the community

    Trump has become increasingly focused in recent weeks on Somalis living in the U.S., saying they “have caused a lot of trouble.”

    Trump and other administration officials stepped up their criticism after a conservative news outlet, City Journal, claimed that taxpayer dollars from defrauded government programs have flowed to the militant group al-Shabab, an affiliate of al-Qaida that controls parts of rural Somalia and often has targeted the capital, Mogadishu.

    While Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in a social media post Monday that his agency is investigating whether “hardworking Minnesotans’ tax dollars may have been diverted to the terrorist organization,” little evidence has emerged so far to prove a link. Federal prosecutors have not charged any of the dozens of defendants in recent public program fraud cases in Minnesota with providing material support to foreign terrorist organizations.

    Last month, Trump said he was terminating Temporary Protected Status for Somali migrants in Minnesota, a legal safeguard against deportation. A report produced for Congress in August put the number of Somalis covered by the program at just 705 nationwide.

    The announcement drew immediate pushback from some state leaders and immigration experts, who characterized Trump’s declaration as a legally dubious effort to sow fear and suspicion.

    Fraud allegations lead to pushback

    Local Somali community leaders, as well as allies like Gov. Tim Walz and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey, have also pushed back against those who might blame the broader Somali community for some recent cases of massive fraud in public programs.

    Those include what is known as the Feeding Our Future scandal, which federal prosecutors say was the country’s largest COVID-19-related fraud case. It involved a program meant to feed children during the pandemic. The defendants were accused of fraudulently claiming to be feeding millions of meals to children. While the alleged ringleader was white, many of the defendants were Somalis, and most of them were U.S. citizens.

    Prosecutors in recent months have raised their estimate of the thefts to $300 million from an original $250 million, and the number of defendants last month grew to 78. The cases are still working their way through the court system.

    Republican candidates for governor and other offices in 2026 are staking their hopes on voters blaming Walz for failing to prevent the losses to taxpayers. Trump has blasted Walz for allowing the fraud to unfold on his watch.

    Earlier terrorism cases still echo

    Authorities in Minnesota struggled for years to stem the recruiting of young Somali men by the Islamic State group and the Somalia-based militant group al-Shabab.

    The problem first surfaced in 2007, when more than 20 young men went to Somalia, where Ethiopian troops propping up a weak U.N.-backed government were seen by many as foreign invaders.

    While most of those cases were resolved years ago, another came to light earlier this year. A 23-year-old defendant pleaded guilty in September to attempting to provide material support and resources to a designated foreign terrorist organization.

    Mostly in the 2010s, the Islamic State group also found recruits in Minnesota’s Somali community, with authorities saying roughly a dozen left to join militants in Syria.

    Somalis have become a force in Minnesota politics

    The best-known Somali American is arguably Democratic U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar, a fiery progressive whose district includes Minneapolis and is a frequent target of Trump.

    Several other Somali Americans have served in the Minnesota Legislature and the Minneapolis and St. Paul city councils. State Sen. Omar Fateh, a democratic socialist, finished second in the Minneapolis mayoral election in November to incumbent Mayor Frey.

  • Waymo starts self-driving tests in Philadelphia for its robo-taxi service

    Waymo starts self-driving tests in Philadelphia for its robo-taxi service

    Waymo, the self-driving car company owned by Google’s parent firm, said Wednesday that it has begun autonomous tests in Philadelphia and expects to offer its robo-taxis to customers at some point afterward.

    “We’re making it official, Philly: Waymo will bring our service to the City of Brotherly Love!” the company announced on its website.

    Ethan Teicher, a spokesperson for Waymo, said in an email: “We recently began driving autonomously with a specialist behind the wheel, after securing permission to do so from PennDOT. We’ll continue laying the groundwork in Philadelphia to open our fully autonomous ride-hailing service for the public in the future.”

    In July, a Waymo spokesperson said the company would begin mapping Philadelphia’s neighborhoods, manually “driving through the most complex parts of the city, including downtown and freeways.”

    In its Wednesday announcement, Waymo said it will begin the mapping process in Pittsburgh, and noted that city’s connection with autonomous driving history. Carnegie Mellon University, which is located in Pittsburgh, is known as the birthplace of self-driving technology.

    The company said mapping will also begin in St. Louis and Baltimore.

    Under a 2022 Pennsylvania law legalizing the commercial operation of “highly automated vehicles,” Waymo needs a “certificate of compliance” to conduct autonomous testing in specified locations. In July, the Pennsylvania Department of Transportation said it was reviewing an application from Waymo.

    PennDot’s website on Wednesday showed that Waymo now has a certificate for Philadelphia.

    The only other company with a certificate for the city is Perrone Robotics, which operates a self-driving shuttle service at the Navy Yard.

    In New Jersey, state law does not allow for commercial services using self-driving vehicles on public streets. Legislation recently was introduced to create a pilot program requiring three years of testing with a human driver in the vehicle.

    Waymo offers self-driving taxi service in Los Angeles, San Francisco, Phoenix, Austin, and Atlanta, and has test-driven in dozens of other cities. Testing began in New York City this summer.

    Currently, the company says it is performing a total of 250,000 rides a week using fully autonomous electric vehicles.

    A spokesperson for Mayor Cherelle L. Parker said Wednesday that the mayor and other city officials are “closely monitoring Waymo and its plans for Philadelphia” but declined to elaborate.

    Besides mapping and testing its vehicles, Waymo has “engaged with community organizations” in Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, including the Bicycle Coalition of Greater Philadelphia and the National Federation of the Blind of Pennsylvania, said Teicher, the company spokesperson.

    In the company’s announcement, it included a statement from Samantha Civitate, the Pennsylvania state director for Best Buddies, a nonprofit that brings together volunteers and people with intellectual and developmental disabilities.

    “Accessible transportation remains a vital piece of fostering independence and inclusion,” Civitate said.

    There has been no groundswell of opposition to Waymo coming to Philadelphia. The company, however, has had to deal with recent incidents elsewhere that have generated negative attention.

    A Waymo taxi in Los Angeles was caught on video making a left turn just feet away from an incident involving police officers positioned behind their vehicles shouting commands at a suspect who was lying facedown on the ground, apparently waiting to be arrested.

    In San Francisco on Sunday, a Waymo taxi hit an unleashed dog, which reportedly needed to be euthanized because of its injuries.

    Waymo vehicles have also been targeted, though mainly because they were in the wrong place at the wrong time. In June, several Waymo taxis were burned during anti-ICE protests in Los Angeles. The company temporarily halted service in the area.

  • Pentagon knew boat attack left survivors but still launched a follow-on strike, AP sources say

    Pentagon knew boat attack left survivors but still launched a follow-on strike, AP sources say

    WASHINGTON — The Pentagon knew there were survivors after a September attack on an alleged drug boat in the Caribbean Sea and the U.S. military still carried out a follow-up strike, according to two people familiar with the matter.

    The rationale for the second strike was that it was needed to sink the vessel, according to the people familiar with the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorized to discuss it publicly. The Trump administration says all 11 people aboard were killed.

    What remains unclear was who ordered the strikes and whether Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth was involved, one of the people said. That will be part of a classified congressional briefing Thursday with the commander that the Trump administration says ordered the second strike, Adm. Frank “Mitch” Bradley.

    Hegseth has defended the second strike as emerging in the “fog of war,” saying he didn’t see any survivors but also “didn’t stick around” for the rest of the mission.

    Hegseth is under growing scrutiny over the military strikes on alleged drug traffickers in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. Legal experts and some lawmakers say a strike that killed survivors would have violated the laws of armed conflict.

  • Gov. Josh Shapiro says Kamala Harris’ descriptions of him were ‘blatant lies’ intended to sell books

    Gov. Josh Shapiro says Kamala Harris’ descriptions of him were ‘blatant lies’ intended to sell books

    Gov. Josh Shapiro lashed out over former Vice President Kamala Harris’ portrayal of his interview to become her 2024 running mate, calling Harris’ retellings “complete and utter bulls—” intended to sell books and “cover her a—,” according to the Atlantic.

    Shapiro, Pennsylvania’s first-term Democratic governor now seen as a likely presidential contender in 2028, departed from his usual composed demeanor and rehearsed comments in a lengthy Atlantic profile, published Wednesday, when journalist Tim Alberta asked the governor about Harris’ depiction of him in her new book.

    In her book, titled 107 Days, Harris described Shapiro as “poised, polished, and personable” when he traveled to Washington to interview with Harris for a shot at becoming the Democratic vice presidential candidate during her historic campaign against Donald Trump.

    However, Harris said, she suspected Shapiro would be unhappy as second-in-command. He “peppered” her with questions, she wrote, and said he asked questions about the vice president’s residence, “from the number of bedrooms to how he might arrange to get Pennsylvania artists’ work on loan from the Smithsonian.” The account aligns with reporting from The Inquirer when Harris ultimately picked Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz over Shapiro, in part, because Shapiro was too ambitious to serve in a supporting role if chosen as her running mate.

    But Shapiro, the Atlantic reported, was taken aback by the portrayal.

    “She wrote that in her book? That’s complete and utter bull—,” Shapiro reportedly told the Atlantic when asked about Harris’ account that he had been imagining the potential art for the vice presidential residence. He added: “I can tell you that her accounts are just blatant lies.”

    The governor’s sharp-tongued frustration depicted in the Atlantic marked a rare departure for the image-conscious Shapiro, whose oratory skills have been compared to those of former President Barack Obama, and who has been known to give smiling, folksy interviews laced with oft-repeated and carefully told anecdotes.

    The wide-ranging, nearly 8,000-word profile in the Atlantic also detailed Shapiro’s loss of “some respect” for Harris during the 2024 election, including for her failure to take action regarding former President Joe Biden’s visible decline.

    Governor Josh Shapiro speaks with press along with Vice President Kamala Harris during their short visit to Little Thai Market at Reading Terminal Market after she spoke at the APIA Vote Presidential Town Hall at the Pennsylvania Convention Center in Philadelphia, Pa., on Saturday, July 13, 2024.

    When Shapiro was asked by the Atlantic whether he felt betrayed by Harris’ comments in her book about him, given that the two have known each other for 20 years, he said: “I mean, she’s trying to sell books and cover her a—.”

    He quickly reframed his response: “I shouldn’t say ‘cover her a—,’ I think that’s not appropriate,” he added. “She’s trying to sell books, period.”

    The Atlantic piece, titled “What Josh Shapiro Knows About Trump Voters,” presented Shapiro as a popular Democratic governor in a critical swing state that went for Trump in 2024, and as a master political operator who has carefully built a public image as a moderate willing to work across the aisle or appoint Republicans to top cabinet positions. That image was tested this year during a protracted state budget impasse that lasted 135 days, as Shapiro was unable to strike a deal between the Democratic state House and GOP-controlled state Senate for nearly five months past the state budget deadline.

    The Atlantic piece also outlined common criticisms of Shapiro throughout his two decades in Pennsylvania politics, including those from within the Democratic Party: He is too ambitious with his sights set on the presidency, and his pragmatic approach often leaves him frustrating all sides, as evidenced in his 2023 deal-then-veto with state Senate Republicans over school vouchers. It highlighted some of the top issues Shapiro will face if he chooses to run for president in 2028, including a need to take clearer stances on policy issues — a complaint often cited by Republicans and his critics. If he rises to the presidential field, Shapiro will also have to face his past handling of a sexual harassment complaint against a former top aide that Shapiro claimed he knew very little about despite the aide’s long-held reputation.

    Gov. Josh Shapiro takes the stage ahead of U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris and Gov. Tim Walz at a rally in Philadelphia’s Liacouras Center on August 6, 2024.

    “The worst-kept secret in Pennsylvania politics is that the governor is disliked — in certain cases, loathed — by some of his fellow Democrats,” the Atlantic reported. Further, Alberta noted that when an unnamed Pennsylvania lawmaker received a call from a member of Harris’ vetting operation, the member said they had never seen “so many Democrats turning on one of their own.”

    Shapiro has been featured in several other prominent national media outlets in recent weeks, including in the New Yorker, which ran a profile about his experience with political violence. He has become vocal on that issue in the months since a Harrisburg man who told police he wanted to kill Shapiro broke into the governor’s residence in April and set several fires while Shapiro and his family slept upstairs. As one of the most prominent Jewish elected officials in the nation, Shapiro has frequently said that leaders must “bring down the temperature” in their rhetoric, and has tried to refocus his own messaging on the good that state governments can do to make people’s lives easier, such as permitting reforms and infrastructure improvements.

    “The fact that people view institutions as incapable or unwilling to solve their problems is leading to hyper-frustration, which then creates anger,” Shapiro told the Atlantic. “And that anger forces people oftentimes into dark corners of the internet, where they find others who want to take advantage of their anger and try and convert that anger into acts of violence.”

  • Americans gave $4B on Giving Tuesday 2025 as donations and volunteering gain big over last year

    Americans gave $4B on Giving Tuesday 2025 as donations and volunteering gain big over last year

    Americans gave $4 billion to nonprofits on Giving Tuesday in 2025, an increase from the $3.6 billion they gave in 2024, according to estimates from the nonprofit Giving Tuesday.

    More people also volunteered their time on the Tuesday after Thanksgiving this year, which fell on Dec. 2 and has become a major fundraising day for nonprofits. This year, 11.1 million people in the U.S. volunteered, up from, 9.2 million last year.

    Giving Tuesday started in 2012 as a hashtag and a project of the 92nd St Y in New York and has since become an independent nonprofit. The organization estimates how much was given and how many people volunteer using data from a wide variety of sources, including giving platforms, payment processors and software applications that nonprofits use.

    Woodrow Rosenbaum, the chief data officer for Giving Tuesday, said both the number of people giving and the overall donation amount may have increased this year as people seek a sense of belonging and connection.

    “Generosity is a really powerful way to get that,” Rosenbaum said in an interview with The Associated Press. ”But I think mostly it’s just that when people see need, they want to do something about it and Giving Tuesday is an opportunity to do that in a moment of celebration as opposed to crisis.”

    Overall donations increased 8.1% from last year when adjusted for inflation. Giving Tuesday has also seen the average donation increase in size over time and Rosenbaum said people may be seeking additional ways to give as well.

    “Volunteering is a way that you can add to your impact without it costing you money,” he said.

    Not everyone who volunteers their time does so through a nonprofit. They may volunteer with mutual aid groups or by helping out family members or neighbors, he said.

    Giving Tuesday does not include donations from corporations or foundations in their estimate, Rosenbaum said, as they are focused on the everyday generosity of individuals. That means they did not include the gift from billionaires Michael and Susan Dell of $6.25 billion to encourage families to claim new investment accounts created by the Trump administration.

    President Donald Trump hosted the Dells at the White House Tuesday, calling their commitment “one of the most generous acts in the history of our country.” The Dells will offer $250 to 25 million children 10 years old and younger to invest in accounts that the U.S. Department of Treasury will create next year. The ” Trump accounts ” were part of the administration’s tax and spending legislation passed in the summer.

    A significant portion of charitable giving to nonprofits happens at the end of the calendar year and Giving Tuesday is an informal kick off to what nonprofits think of as the giving season. A combination of economic and political uncertainty has meant it is hard to predict how generous donors will be this year. Rosenbaum said that the generosity demonstrated on GivingTuesday is an extremely encouraging bellwether for how the rest of the giving season will go.

    “What we really hope is that nonprofits and community groups see this as an opportunity that we are in a moment of abundance and that people are ready and willing to help,” Rosenbaum said.