Gov. Josh Shapiro unveiled a broad plan Thursday meant to grow and preserve Pennsylvania’s housing supply as the state faces a shortage of homes residents can afford.
The plan aims to expand residents’ access to homes, connect Pennsylvanians to resources to keep them housed, make homebuilding faster and less costly, and improve coordination of housing efforts across agencies and levels of government.
Recommendations and reforms in the state’s Housing Action Plan, which is meant to guide Pennsylvania into 2035, are embedded in the governor’s proposed budget, Shapiro said.
“And now, the ball is in the court of the legislature to carry this forward and to get it done,” he said at a news conference in Philadelphia.
The plan is the culmination of a process that started in September 2024, when Shapiro signed an executive order directing state officials to create it.
Inthe plan, Shapiro highlights that more than a million Pennsylvania households are spending more than 30% of their income on housing. These households are “cost burdened,” according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development’s definition. Building more can lower housing costs.
Shapiro called the plan a long-term housing strategy that “brings together all different groups who are doing this work, builds on their expertise, and tackles housing access and affordability from every single angle.”
Here are key takeaways from Shapiro’s proposed housing action plan, the first of its kind in Pennsylvania.
Enacting the plan
Much of the plan relies on action from lawmakers in the state’s split legislature and other stakeholders rather than Shapiro’s administration exclusively. It does not assign dollar amounts to proposals, but calls on local governments to allow more housing and housing types, on builders to build more, and on both to work together to remove barriers to housing construction.
Democrats (left) stand to applaud a tax cut proposal while Republicans (right) remain seated as Gov. Josh Shapiro delivers his third budget address to a joint session in the House chambers at the State Capitol Tuesday, Feb. 4, 2025.
When Shapiro was asked how he intends to make sure the housing plan is implemented, he said he can take some actions through executive orders but “a lot does require the legislature to act and to work in concert with local government.”
“I hear in rural, urban, suburban communities, districts led by Democrats and Republicans, the need for more housing,” Shapiro said. “… And I would say to any lawmaker that doesn’t like my idea, ‘What’s yours?’ Because we can no longer wait. We have got to get this done. We’ve got to build more housing.”
$1 billion fund
In his budget address last week, Shapiro previewed his housing priorities, calling for a $1 billion fund, supported by the issuing of bonds, to pay for infrastructure projects that include housing.
Shapiro’s budget proposal includes no requirements on the proportion of funding that goes to each infrastructure need, leaving the possibility that the majority of funds could be spent on projects other than housing.
While Shapiro said Thursday that divvying up the $1 billion will be subject to negotiation with lawmakers, he said he hoped “the lion’s share of it would go to housing.”
Pennsylvania needs more housing
If Pennsylvania takes no action to build and preserve more housing, it will be short about 185,000 homes by 2035, according to the plan. To keep up with anticipated demand, the state needs to add 450,000 homes to its supply by then.
The housing plan has a stated goal of turning Pennsylvania into a leader in home construction.
Construction work on a home at Bancroft and Reed Streets in South Philadelphia, Pa. on Friday, May 1, 2020.
As it stands now, Pennsylvania is one of the states that have allowed the least new housing. It ranked 44th for the share of homes approved to be built from 2017 to 2023, the Pew Charitable Trusts said in a report released last year. Pew said Pennsylvania’s lack of housing supply is hiking prices for homeowners and renters.
Shapiro’s housing plan recommends that Pennsylvania:
Expand programs to repair and preserve existing homes.
Create a tax credit to incentivize home building in underinvested areas.
Invest in small residential developers who can help boost housing production.
Eliminate outdated or unnecessarystate development regulations.
Direct funding to help homebuilders pay land development costs, developers convert former commercial buildings into homes, and property owners create mixed-use developments that include housing.
Appoint a deputy secretary of housing and create a “housing one-stop shop” to help residents and builders access the state’s existing housing resources.
Protection for renters
The housing plan calls for Pennsylvania to bolster protections for households that either rent their homes or rent the land their homes sit on, including protections Shapiro called for in his budget address.
Suggestions include:
More eviction protections.
Restrictions on how much landlords can collect as a security deposit.
Explicitly banning landlords from denying housing to people because they use public assistance or any other lawful source of income. (New Jersey enacted a law last month that does this.)
Security for manufactured-home owners
Manufactured homes are single-family dwellings often built off-site and placed on a lot. These households own their homes, but many of them rent the land.
Manufactured homes represent one of the most affordable forms of homeownership. But homeowners are often left vulnerable because they have no other option than to pay increased rent costs if they want to keep the homes they own. Manufactured-home communities are increasingly being bought by private equity companies and other institutional investors, and rent hikes tend to follow.
The housing plan says Pennsylvania should:
Limit the rent increases that landowners can charge.
Make financing easier for buyers of manufactured homes.
Giveresidents of manufactured-home communities the right of first refusal when a landowner decides to sell.
Recent laws in New Jersey limit annual rent increases for manufactured-home lots and make it easier for residents to buy their communities.
Across Pennsylvania, 56,000 households live in manufactured-home communities, Shapiro said in his budget address last week.
Homebuyer help
The plan calls for Pennsylvania to pursue new ways to help residents become homeowners, including creating programs to reduce home-buying costs and allowing local governments to exempt first-time homebuyers from local realty transfer taxes.
It also calls for the state to impose a transfer tax when corporate investors buy single-family and certain other types of homes to help households compete for properties.
Untangling titles
To protect Pennsylvanians’ generational wealth, the plan calls for the state to allow transfer-on-death deeds to provide a streamlined process for passing down homes. This would help prevent cases of tangled title — or unclear legal ownership of property. This mostly occurs when a homeowner dies and the deed is not transferred to a new owner.
Tangled titles keep people from qualifying for help to repair their homes and can prevent them from being able to sell properties.
The plan also calls for funding for legal services to help low-income Pennsylvanians resolve tangled titles. In 2022, Philadelphia officials pledged to give $7.6 million over four years to legal-aid groups that are tackling this problem.
Rachel Gallegos, a divisional supervising attorney for the homeownership and consumer rights unit at Community Legal Services of Philadelphia, called Shapiro’s plan “ambitious.”
“And I like that,” she said. “I think it has to be in order to keep progress moving forward.”
The legal-aid nonprofit routinely helps low-income clients with tangled titles, and Gallegos said she was glad to see the plan call for additional support for the work.
“We want to preserve homeownership for our clients,” she said.
CLAIRTON, Pa. — For Don Furko, Aug. 11, 2025, was a normal shift. Until it became the shift he would never forget.
At 10:47 a.m., U.S. Steel’s Clairton Coke Works outside Pittsburgh — a sprawling riverside industrial facility and the largest of its kind in the Western Hemisphere — erupted in an ear-piercing boom.
A steelworker for 25 years and former Clairton local union president, Furko pulled on flame-retardant jacket and pants, a hard hat and safety glasses, left his post and rushed to the black plume of smoke rising from the facility’s batteries — the massive arrangements of industrial ovens that heat coal to some 2,000 degrees, turning it into carbon-rich coke.
Steelworker Renee Hough stands at U.S. Steel’s Clairton Coke Works in Clairton, Pa., on Jan. 29. (Quinn Glabicki/Pittsburgh’s Public Source via AP)
Near the wharf, Renee Hough, a utility technician in charge of loading coke, sat in the cab of the plant’s screening station when the explosion ripped through the air, blinding her in black dust. “My first thought was I was dead,” Hough recalls. Flames emerged as the dust settled, and a voice crackled through the radio: Battery 13 had just exploded.
“I can’t even explain how mangled everything was,” Furko recalls. “There were flames everywhere.” Workers shuttled the injured to the helipad for evacuation. Through the chaos, Furko heard a fellow steelworker screaming, buried beneath the rubble.
A worker in the coal fields at U.S. Steel’s Clairton Coke Works in Clairton, Pa., on Nov. 19, 2025. (Quinn Glabicki/Pittsburgh’s Public Source via AP)
The blast killed two U.S. Steel workers and injured 11 others, including contractors, according to the Chemical Safety Board, a federal agency investigating the incident.
Six months later, workers remain rattled and community concerns about air pollution from the plant are heightened.
The blast comes on top of a string of other accidents at the Clairton plant over time as well as a long history of legal battles between U.S. Steel and Allegheny County regulators, who regularly accuse the company of flouting environmental rules at the facility. As recently as Jan. 27, pollution control equipment at the Clairton plant temporarily broke down and nearby air monitors recorded elevated air pollution, according to the Allegheny County Health Department.
To U.S. Steel’s critics, the August blast highlighted chronic problems at the facility. And some current and former workers at Clairton Coke Works say poor management and underinvestment have exacerbated air pollution and undermined workplace safety at the plant where operators already have little margin for error, Pittsburgh’s Public Source and the Associated Press have found.
The August explosion also came after Nippon Steel’s $15 billion acquisition of U.S. Steel in June 2025. It’s an open question whether the Japanese steel company will invest significantly in Clairton Coke Works and address issues raised by workers, government officials and environmental watchdogs.
The Chemical Safety Board has said that the August explosion occurred while workers were preparing to replace a damaged valve that was detected in July, as well as other valves. The agency’s investigation continues; it said in December that it has identified “potentially unmitigated hazards for workers at Clairton Coke Works that warrant immediate attention.”
“They try to say ‘safety first, safety first,’” said Brian Pavlack, a current worker at Clairton Coke Works. “Safety is not the first priority for them.”
Nippon Steel did not provide a response to written questions. In a written statement responding to detailed questions, U.S. Steel stressed its commitment to safety.
“Safety is our core value and shapes our culture, influences how we lead, and anchors our responsibility to ensure that every employee returns home safely, every single day,” the company said.
Dangerous work
The 392-acre Clairton Coke Works opened more than a century ago, 20 miles south of Pittsburgh along the west bank of the Monongahela River. The ovens at the plant heat coal at high temperatures for hours to make coke, a key component in steelmaking. Its ovens produce 3.6 million tons of coke annually, which is shipped to the company’s operations farther up the river at the Edgar Thomson Works in Braddock, and to U.S. Steel’s Gary Works in Indiana.
But making coke isn’t a clean process or without risk. The heat removes impurities, producing a flammable byproduct called coke oven gas. Coke oven gas includes hydrogen, methane, nitrogen and carbon monoxide, and some of it is used as fuel to heat the coke ovens. Coke oven gas is explosive due to high hydrogen content, said Fred Rorick, a former operations manager at Bethlehem Steel and steel industry consultant.
“At a coke works, when you have that, you have to be very, very, very careful,” Rorick said.
According to the Chemical Safety Board, the August explosion happened while workers were closing and opening a gas isolation valve in a basement after pumping water into the valve. U.S. Steel’s written procedure did not mention the use of water and a U.S. Steel supervisor directed workers to pump the water, the agency said. Kurt Barshick, U.S. Steel’s vice president of the Mon Valley Works, said during an October presentation to residents in the wake of the August explosion that workers trapped “3,000 PSI water inside of a valve that’s rated for 50 PSI.” The valve cracked and gas filled the area, Barshick added.
Drew Sahli, the Chemical Safety Board’s investigator in charge, said there was a “release of coke oven gas” and that the gas “contacted an ignition source” and exploded. The agency is still investigating how the gas was released, Sahli said.
Steelworkers stand at U.S. Steel’s Clairton Coke Works in Clairton, Pa., on Aug. 12, 2025, a day after an explosion at the facility killed two workers. (Quinn Glabicki/Pittsburgh’s Public Source via AP)
U.S. Steel said it has “strengthened several safety protocols” based on its own ongoing investigation, including prohibiting the use of high-pressure water for valve cleaning and reviewing their “Management of Change program, which assesses proposed changes in procedures and evaluates risk.”
Before the August blast, Clairton Coke Works already had a history of accidents and explosions.
In 2009, a maintenance worker was killed in a blast.
In 2010, an explosion injured 14 employees and six contractors.
In 2014, a worker was burned and died after falling into a trench.
In February 2025, a problem at a battery led to a “buildup of combustible material” that ignited, injuring two people, according to the Allegheny County Health Department.
After the 2010 explosion, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration fined U.S. Steel and a subcontractor $175,000 for safety violations. U.S. Steel appealed its citations and fines, which were later reduced to $78,500 under a settlement agreement. U.S. Steel admitted no wrongdoing as part of the settlement.
While there’s “a lot of ways that you can get yourself hurt or killed” at Clairton Coke Works, explosions are the biggest hazard, said Calvin Croftcheck, who previously worked at the plant and served as the United Steelworkers safety coordinator for U.S. Steel.
“Since 2009, there have been three accidents that have resulted in fatalities and that is just not common in today’s age of safety,” said Phillip Kondrot, a workers’ compensation attorney who represents workers injured at Clairton Coke Works. “That is a dangerous place to work.”
“We have intensive procedures that are currently in place at Clairton and our other facilities, and our employees are charged with following them,” U.S. Steel said. “We will not respond to comments from for-profit lawyers and stand behind the safety professionals who tirelessly work at U. S. Steel.”
U.S. Steel president and CEO David B. Burritt, accompanied by Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro (center right) and other officials, speaks during a news conference at U.S. Steel’s Clairton Coke Works in Clairton, Pa., on Aug. 12, 2025, a day after an explosion at the facility killed two workers. (Quinn Glabicki/Pittsburgh’s Public Source via AP)
Management questioned
Some current and former workers at the Clairton plant fault U.S. Steel’s management of the aging facility, saying that it has caused a range of operational problems.
“A lot of things that have happened there, where they needed something fixed and something went wrong, it was because corporate wouldn’t approve them ordering the parts,” said Jonathan Ledwich, who worked at Clairton Coke Works between 2011 and 2022 trying to prevent emission leaks from the coke ovens. “We did the best we could with what we had.”
Ledwich points to a fire at the Clairton plant on Christmas Eve 2018. It shut down pollution control equipment and led to repeated releases of sulfur dioxide and hydrogen sulfide, according to a lawsuit filed by environmental groups after the incident. In the wake of the fire, Allegheny County warned residents to limit outdoor activities, with residents saying for weeks afterward that the air smelled like rotten eggs and was hard to breathe.
Former U.S. Steel worker Jonathan Ledwich stands at the pizza shop he now owns in Trafford, Pa., on Dec. 15, 2025. (Quinn Glabicki/Pittsburgh’s Public Source via AP)
Ranajit Sahu, an engineer hired by the plaintiffs, wrote in a report filed in the case that he found “no indication” that U.S. Steel “has an effective, comprehensive maintenance program for the Clairton plant.” Sahu also wrote that the 2018 accident, which was precipitated by piping falling due to corrosion, was “preventable by a robust inspection and preventive maintenance program and by better plant design.”
In a 2024 consent decree settling the lawsuit, U.S. Steel agreed to measures including investing close to $20 million in facility upgrades and permanently idling a battery of coke ovens at the plant. As part of the consent decree, U.S. Steel admitted no liability.
Hough, the utility technician in charge of loading coke, said that the lack of proactive maintenance at Clairton Coke Works makes her feel unsafe at times.
“There’s a lot of things that need to be repaired that they’re not prioritizing because you can’t stop production,” Hough said of U.S. Steel.
Some current and former plant workers also describe difficulty getting coke oven doors replaced. Ledwich, the former Clairton steel worker, said some doors that needed to be replaced would leak emissions.
In a 2020 deposition for the lawsuit related to the 2018 Christmas Eve fire, James Kelly, former deputy director of the environmental health bureau at the Allegheny County Health Department — the agency that oversees emissions at the plant — said the facility is “one of the most decrepit facilities” that he’d ever seen.
The litigation surrounding the Christmas Eve fire wasn’t the first time U.S. Steel was accused in court of skimping on maintenance. In a 2017 amended federal class action lawsuit alleging violations of federal securities laws, U.S. Steel shareholders said that the company CEO hired the consulting firm McKinsey & Company in 2014 after multiple unprofitable years and “implemented extreme cost-cutting measures” in 2015 involving layoffs and deferrals of “desperately-needed maintenance and repairs.” The lawsuit was eventually settled and the U.S. Steel defendants admitted no wrongdoing.
Former U.S. Steel worker Jonathan Ledwich holds his old hard hat at the pizza shop he now owns in Trafford, Pa., on Dec. 15, 2025. (Quinn Glabicki/Pittsburgh’s Public Source via AP)
U.S. Steel had “one of the best safety staffs in the country,” said Mike Wright, former director of the health, safety, and environment department at the United Steelworkers. But key safety department leaders were fired, according to Wright and Croftcheck, the former union safety coordinator. Wright said the dismissals occurred in 2016.
Ed Mazurkiewicz, former director of safety and industrial hygiene at U.S. Steel, said that he was let go by the company in 2016. While he knew at the time that McKinsey had been “evaluating all of U.S. Steel” and that there would be downsizing, it was still a shock when his job was eliminated, Mazurkiewicz said.
U.S. Steel said it has “worked with many advisers and partners” over the years and that the company’s “overall transformation efforts have improved our company’s performance, created a robust maintenance program, and improved employee safety over time.” In response to questions about U.S. Steel’s safety department and the firing of department leaders, the company said: “We cannot comment on personnel matters.”
“They brought in McKinsey to tell them really how to run things,” Wright said of U.S. Steel. “We were a little outraged by that.”
McKinsey said in a statement that the company is one of “many advisers that have served U.S. Steel in support of its efforts to keep manufacturing jobs in the United States, improve operational resiliency, and invest in and support the communities in which it operates.”
“As with all our work for the company — and with all our clients — safety is always a top priority,” the company added.
Maintenance practices have changed over time, some current and former workers say.
“I used to see a lot more maintenance and taking care of things and fixing things before they broke, or replacing things that were worn out,” said Hough, who has worked at the plant for 29 years. “That used to happen back when I was first hired there, and that hasn’t happened in the last 10 or so years.”
Battles over air pollution
For years, Clairton Coke Works has drawn the ire of government regulators, environmental advocates and community members concerned about air pollution originating from the plant. Air quality in the region has improved over time, but the Clairton plant has been the largest local source of air pollution — such as sulfur oxides and particulate matter — in recent years, according to the Allegheny County Health Department. Particulate matter, for instance, is linked to various health issues, including heart attacks and aggravated asthma. The plant also emits carcinogenic benzene.
While the Clairton plant is allowed to emit some air pollution, county Health Department regulators routinely clash with U.S. Steel over alleged violations of the plant’s operating permit, such as excessive emissions or failing to use pollution control equipment. In 2023, for instance, the Allegheny County Health Department fined U.S. Steel more than $2 million for violations at Clairton Coke Works.
“You’re sort of in this cycle of patching, monitoring, fining, patching, monitoring, fining, and it’s never really good enough,” said Karen Hacker, director of the Allegheny County Health Department between 2013 and 2019. “You can’t say it hasn’t improved. Just look at the sky in Pittsburgh, right? But it hasn’t removed a source of pollution.”
In response to questions from Public Source and AP, the Allegheny County Health Department said in a written statement that the agency “inspects coking operations daily” and “addresses violations as discovered during inspections” with a full compliance evaluation every two years.
The department also said that air monitoring stations near the Clairton plant “have measured a 15-25% reduction in annual average particle pollution concentrations compared to ten years ago.” The department declined to comment on “open investigations, enforcement orders, or pending litigation.”
Nationally, Clairton Coke Works’ environmental compliance track record is an outlier, according to a Public Source and AP analysis of federal Clean Air Act data from about 14,000 facilities. The analysis found that Clairton Coke Works is classified by the EPA as a “high-priority violator” — only about 11% of major emitters fall into that category. It’s even rarer for facilities to garner financial penalties on the magnitude that Clairton Coke Works has faced in the last five years, the analysis shows. Just 11 facilities, including Clairton Coke Works, have faced $10 million in penalties or more in the last five years.
“It’s a massive facility. It’s a complex facility and it’s an underfunded facility,” said Adam Ortiz, former EPA regional administrator of the Mid-Atlantic region during the Biden administration. “All those things make it tough.”
Clairton resident and environmental advocate Melanie Meade stands at the entrance of the Clairton Coke Works in Clairton, Pa., on Aug. 12, 2025, a day after an explosion at the facility killed two workers. (Quinn Glabicki/Pittsburgh’s Public Source via AP)
U.S. Steel said in its statement that the company spends “$100 million annually on environmental compliance at Clairton alone and has consistently achieved an environmental compliance rate exceeding 99% for regulated activities per year at our Clairton Plant, the largest coke-making facility in North America.”
The company said that it has “invested more than $750 million in environmental improvement projects in the Mon Valley” and that preliminary data shows that a county air monitor located downwind of the Clairton plant has met the Environmental Protection Agency’s national ambient air quality standard for particulate matter since 2024.
“Our steadfast pursuit of environmental excellence will continue,” the company said. “We maintain a productive relationship with the ACHD and other regulators, with a commitment to regulation grounded in science and law.”
Some environmental advocates have argued that the Allegheny County Health Department is outgunned against U.S. Steel. The department’s air quality program, which handles oversight of Clairton Coke Works, is funded by fees paid by industrial polluters. But the program has struggled financially in recent years. In a 2018 report, the EPA asserted that revenue from emissions-based fees was “diminishing as a result of emissions reductions” and that the existing fee structure could potentially “undermine long-term program sustainability.” The Allegheny County Council approved raising the fees in 2021 and again in November.
Meanwhile, the Trump administration has signaled that it is taking a more hands-off approach with polluters. In November, President Donald Trump temporarily exempted Clairton Coke Works and other coking plants from provisions of a Biden-era rule that, for instance, required fence line monitoring for benzene emissions. U.S. Steel previously requested an exemption.
U.S. Steel said that the rule “imposed significant compliance costs while setting technically unachievable standards and providing little or no environmental benefit.” Its Mon Valley facilities have “never been fined” for exceeding benzene emission standards, the company said.
New ownership arrives
Before the August explosion, workers and outside observers were already watching Nippon Steel closely for clues about their plans for Clairton Coke Works and the Mon Valley. Now, questions about Nippon’s intentions have become even more pressing.
In the nearly $15 billion deal to buy U.S. Steel, Nippon Steel pledged to invest $14 billion in domestic steelmaking operations, including building a new electric arc furnace somewhere in the U.S. Much of that money remains publicly uncommitted, and U.S. Steel has been firm that it wants to keep the Clairton plant operating.
“The Clairton Coke Plant is an important part of our North American Flat-Rolled integrated operations,” the company said in November. The company added that a “steady coke supply remains critical” and that the “Clairton Coke Plant will be maintained for the next generation of steelmaking.”
Since Nippon Steel acquired the company, things have started to change, according to Hough. The company has invested more in repairs and preventive maintenance, she said.
“Nippon is putting the money into the plant, and let me tell you, they’ve got a long way to go,” Hough said. “U.S. Steel let it go so bad for so long.”
However, U.S. Steel has not publicly committed to spending money at the Clairton plant to expand production, extend its life, improve efficiency, upgrade safety or reduce its polluting air emissions.
In response to questions about its investment plans for Clairton Coke Works, U.S. Steel said the company plans to invest “more than $2 billion at Mon Valley Works.”
Furko served as Clairton local union president in 2021 when U.S. Steel canceled a pledged $1 billion investment in the Mon Valley Works. He remains wary of Nippon’s promises.
“Until I see shovels start to hit dirt,” Furko said, “then I don’t believe it until I see it.”
Of the $14 billion, U.S. Steel has said $2.4 billion will go toward its Pittsburgh-area plants. A portion of that money will be spent on building a new hot strip mill to replace the one at its Irvin plant, just down the Monongahela River from Clairton, that processes steel into massive sheet rolls, primarily for the automotive, appliance and construction industries.
It’s unclear how Nippon and U.S. Steel will address recent findings from federal investigators. In December, the Chemical Safety Board recommended that U.S. Steel conduct a siting evaluation of all buildings at the Clairton plant that are occupied or could be occupied to identify and assess potential hazards for workers. The agency said that the company has not conducted a facility siting evaluation as part of efforts to rebuild and relocate its “personnel facilities” after the blast.
U.S. Steel continues to cooperate with the Chemical Safety Board and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration and “evaluate their recommendations,” the company said.
Even with Nippon’s promise of revitalizing U.S. Steel with billions of dollars of investment, the August explosion is still darkening the minds of workers. Furko said he struggles to motivate himself to go to work on some days.
“I’ve been there 25 years. There’s been guys who have lost legs from rail equipment running over them. Bad falls and stuff like that,” Furko said. “Nothing has affected me like this has.”
This story is a collaboration between Pittsburgh’s Public Source and the Associated Press.
MINNEAPOLIS — The Trump administration is ending the immigration crackdown in Minnesota that led to thousands of arrests, violent protests and the fatal shootings of two U.S. citizens over the past two months, border czar Tom Homan said Thursday.
The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement operation focused on the Minneapolis-St. Paul area resulted in more than 4,000 arrests, Homan said, touting it a success.
“The surge is leaving Minnesota safer,” he said. “I’ll say it again, it’s less of a sanctuary state for criminals.”
The announcement marks a significant retreat from an operation that has become a major distraction for the Trump administration and has been more volatile than prior crackdowns in Chicago and Los Angeles. It comes as a new AP-NORC poll found that most U.S. adults say Trump’s immigration policies have gone too far.
State and local officials, who have frequently clashed with federal authorities since Operation Metro Surge started in December, insisted the swarm of immigration officials inflicted long-term damage to the state’s economy and its immigrant community.
Democratic Gov. Tim Walz urged residents Thursday to remain vigilant in the coming days as immigration officers prepare to leave. He called the crackdown an “unnecessary, unwarranted and in many cases unconstitutional assault on our state.”
“It’s going to be a long road,” Walz told a news conference. “Minnesotans are decent, caring loving neighbors and they’re also some of the toughest people you’ll find. And we’re in this as long as it takes.”
Trump’s border czar pledged that immigration enforcement won’t end when the Minnesota operation is over.
“President Trump made a promise of mass deportation and that’s what this country is going to get,” Homan said.
Some activists expressed relief at Homan’s announcement, but warned that the fight isn’t over. Lisa Erbes, a leader of the progressive protest group Indivisible Twin Cities said officials, must be held accountable for the chaos of the crackdown.
“People have died. Families have been torn apart,” Erbes said. “We can’t just say this is over and forget the pain and suffering that has been put on the people of Minnesota.”
While the Trump administration has called those arrested in Minnesota “dangerous criminal illegal aliens,” many people with no criminal records, including children and U.S. citizens, have also been detained.
Homan announced last week that 700 federal officers would leave Minnesota immediately, but that still left more than 2,000 on Minnesota’s streets. At the time, he cited an “increase in unprecedented collaboration” resulting in the need for fewer federal officers in Minnesota, including help from jails that hold deportable inmates.
Homan took over the Minnesota operation in late January after the second fatal shooting by federal immigration agents and amid growing political backlash and questions about how the operation was being run. He said Thursday that he intends to stay in Minnesota to oversee the drawdown that began this week and will continue next week.
“We’ve seen a big change here in the last couple of weeks,” he said, crediting cooperation from local leaders.
During the height of the surge, heavily armed officers were met by resistance from residents upset with their aggressive tactics.
“They thought they could break us, but a love for our neighbors and a resolve to endure can outlast an occupation,” Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey said on social media after Homan’s news conference. “These patriots of Minneapolis are showing that it’s not just about resistance — standing with our neighbors is deeply American.”
WASHINGTON — A federal judge agreed Thursday to block the Pentagon from punishing Democratic Sen. Mark Kelly, a former Navy pilot, for participating in a video that called on troops to resist unlawful orders.
U.S. District Judge Richard Leon ruled that Pentagon officials violated Kelly’s First Amendment free speech rights and “threatened the constitutional liberties of millions of military retirees.”
“To say the least, our retired veterans deserve more respect from their Government, and our Constitution demands they receive it!” wrote Leon, who was nominated to the bench by Republican President George W. Bush.
Kelly, who represents Arizona, sued in federal court to block his Jan. 5 censure from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. Leon’s order prohibits the Pentagon from implementing or enforcing Kelly’s punishment while his lawsuit is pending. The judge instructed the parties to provide him with an update in 30 days.
In November, Kelly and five other Democratic lawmakers appeared on a video in which they urged troops to uphold the Constitution and not to follow unlawful military directives from the Trump administration. Republican President Donald Trump accused the lawmakers of sedition “punishable by DEATH” in a social media post days later.
The court case is just one front in a broader dispute that has spiraled between the group of Democratic lawmakers and the Trump administration since they posted the video. Earlier this week, a Washington grand jury declined to indict the lawmakers over the video.
Michigan Sen. Elissa Slotkin has said she has been told the Justice Department could seek a new indictment as soon as Friday. Kelly and Slotkin said at a news conference Wednesday that they are keeping all legal options on the table regarding potentially suing the administration.
Leon said that Kelly “is likely to succeed on the merits” of his free speech claim. “He has also shown irreparable harm, and the balance of the equities fall decidedly in his favor.”
Hegseth said Kelly’s censure was “a necessary process step” to proceedings that could result in a demotion from the senator’s retired rank of captain and subsequent reduction in retirement pay.
The judge concluded that Kelly’s speech is entitled to full First Amendment protection. Leon wrote, “Horsefeathers!” in response to the government’s argument that Kelly is trying to exempt himself from the rules of military justice.
“Rather than trying to shrink the First Amendment liberties of retired servicemembers, Secretary Hegseth and his fellow Defendants might reflect and be grateful for the wisdom and expertise that retired servicemembers have brought to public discussions and debate on military matters in our Nation over the past 250 years,” Leon wrote.
“If so,” he added, “they will more fully appreciate why the Founding Fathers made free speech the First Amendment in the Bill of Rights!”
The Pentagon did not immediately respond to an email seeking comment on the judge’s ruling.
Kelly said in a video statement posted after the ruling that the case was about more than just him and that the administration “was sending a message to millions of retired veterans that they too can be censured or demoted just for speaking out.”
He added that the ruling was unlikely the end: “This might not be over yet, because this president and this administration do not know how to admit when they’re wrong.”
The 90-second video was first posted on a social media account belonging to Slotkin. Reps. Jason Crow of Colorado, Chris Deluzio of Pennsylvania, Maggie Goodlander of New Hampshire and Chrissy Houlahan of Pennsylvania also appeared in the video. All of the participants are veterans of the armed services or intelligence agencies.
The Pentagon began investigating Kelly in late November, citing a federal law that allows retired service members to be recalled to active duty on orders of the defense secretary for possible court-martial or other punishment. Hegseth has said Kelly was the only one of the six lawmakers to be investigated because he is the only one who formally retired from the military and still falls under the Pentagon’s jurisdiction.
Kelly’s lawyers said the Pentagon’s censure of Kelly — and its efforts to reduce his retirement grade and pay — are an unprecedented attack on the rights of veterans to publicly debate national security issues.
“Defendants assert an absolute and unreviewable authority to impose military punishment on a retired veteran and sitting United States Senator for engaging in speech a civilian political appointee dislikes. That position is as alarming as it is unprecedented,” they wrote.
Government lawyers said the case “is not about legislative independence or freedom of speech in civilian society.”
“Instead, this case involves a retired military officer who seeks to use his military status as a sword and his legislative position as a shield against the consequences of his actions in military personnel matters,” they wrote.
Hegseth, the Defense Department, Navy Secretary John Phelan and the Navy are named as defendants in the lawsuit.
Gov. Josh Shapiro said Thursday that he will not attend any White House event that excludes another governor ahead of next week’s gathering of the nation’s governors in Washington.
The Pennsylvania Democrat’s comments come after President Donald Trump said he would exclude the Democratic governors of Colorado and Maryland from a White House dinner with members of the National Governors Association during its annual conference in Washington, which will take place from Feb. 19 to 21.
“I want to be very clear: I’m not attending any meeting or any dinner where any governor has been disinvited, where any governor is being excluded,” Shapiro said Thursday. “It’s my hope that all governors will be included and that we can continue the tradition of working together across our state lines to be able to do important work for the people that we represent.”
Trump had initially excluded Democrats from a business meeting at the White House, but as of Thursday all governors were invited to the meeting with the president and other officials, the Washington Post reported.
But the dinner remains a thorny issue. Shapiro and other Democratic governors signed a statement Tuesday promising to boycott the event if all governors were not included.
In a social media post Wednesday, Trump attacked Oklahoma Republican Gov. Kevin Stitt, who chairs the bipartisan NGA, and the two Democrats he is planning to exclude from the dinner, Maryland Gov. Wes Moore and Colorado Gov. Jared Polis.
“The invitations were sent to ALL Governors, other than two, who I feel are not worthy of being there,” Trump said in a post on Truth Social.
Trump criticized Moore over crime in Baltimore and accused him of “doing a terrible job on the rebuilding of the Francis Scott Key Bridge” following its collapse in 2024.
Shapiro referred to Moore on Thursday as a “dear friend.”
The Pennsylvania governor said the NGA’s meetings at the White House are typically productive, as are the governors’ other meetings throughout the conference.
“Governors work really well together across party lines,” he said.
New Jersey Gov. Mikie Sherrill, a Democrat who took office last month, said Monday on CNN that “worse decisions” would be made if some governors were excluded from the week’s events.
“For the president to pick and choose who he is going to have to sort of undermine the very focus of this of coming together to get stuff done for the country just seeds more … chaos,” she said.
Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro is racking up contributions from out-of-state billionaires as well as thousands of individual donors across the country.
His likely Republican challenger, State Treasurer Stacy Garrity, meanwhile, is capturing small-donor donations from Pennsylvanians.
That’s according to an analysis of the latest campaign finance filings in the Pennsylvania governor’s contest, as a clearer picture of the race emerges nine months out from Election Day. Shapiro entered 2026 with $30 million on hand — money raised over several years as he has built a national profile — while Garrity raised $1.5 million in her first five months on the campaign trail as she tries to unseat the popular Democratic incumbent. Last year, Shapiro brought in $23.3 million.
Here are three takeaways from the first campaign finance filings in the race, tracking fundraising heading into 2026.
Almost all of Stacy Garrity’s contributors are from Pennsylvania, while 62% of Shapiro’s are in state
Nearly all of Garrity’s individual 1,155 contributors — more than 97% — live in Pennsylvania, and on average gave $889 each.
Shapiro — who has amassed a national following and is a rumored 2028 Democratic presidential contender — had a much further reach and attracted many more donors from around the country. He received contributions from 4,981 individual donors, 62% of whom are from Pennsylvania. The average individual donor to Shapiro contributed $3,461, a number buoyed by multiple six- and seven-figure contributions.
Shapiro received most of his remaining individual donations from California (7.1%), New York (6.3%), New Jersey (2.5%), Florida (2.5%), and Massachusetts (2.4%), according to an Inquirer analysis.
(The analysis includes only donors who contributed more than $50 in 2025. Campaigns are required to list only individual donors who contribute above that threshold.)
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Shapiro’s broad donor base is a result of his status as a popular incumbent governor who is liked among people of both political parties, saidRobin Kolodny, a Temple University political science professor who focuses on campaign finance.
“These amounts that you’re seeing is a very strong signal that ‘This is our guy,’” Kolodny said. “That underscores he is a popular incumbent.”
Kolodny also noted that Shapiro’s state-level fundraising cannot be transferred to a federal political action committee should he decide to run in 2028.But his war chest shows his ability to raise money nationally and his popularity as the leader of the state, she added.
Governor Josh Shapiro during a reelection announcement event at the Alan Horwitz “Sixth Man” Center in Philadelphia on Thursday, Jan. 8, 2026.
Only a small percentage of the population contributes to political campaigns, Kolodny said. And sometimes, it’s the smallest contributions that pay off the most, she said. Small-dollar donations suggest grassroots support that can translate into a person assisting the campaign in additional ways to get out the vote, she said.
Both Shapiro and Garrity have received a significant number of small-dollar donations that illustrate some level of excitement in the race — though Shapiro’s more than 3,000 in-state donors outnumber Garrity’s total by nearly 3-1.
“Think of fundraising as not just a money grab, but also as a campaign strategy,” Kolodny said.
Since announcing his reelection campaign in January, Shapiro has run targeted social media ads and sent fundraising texts, asking for supporters to “chip in” $1 or $5. The strategy worked, bringing in $400,000 in the first two days after his announcement, with an average contribution of $41, according to Shapiro’s campaign. This funding is not reflected in his 2025 campaign finance report.
Most of Shapiro’s money came from out-of-state donors, including billionaire Mike Bloomberg and a George Soros PAC
While Shapiro garnered thousands of individual contributions from Pennsylvania in all 67 counties, according to his campaign, the latest filings show it was the big-money checks from out-of-state billionaires that ran up his total.
Approximately 64% of the $23.3 million Shapiro raised last year came from out-of-state donors.
And more than half — 57% — of Shapiro’s total raised came from six- or seven-figure contributions by powerful PACs or billionaire donors.
By contrast, only 31% of Garrity’s total fundraising came from six-figure contributions.
The biggest single contribution in the governor’s race came from billionaire and former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who gave Shapiro $2.5 million last year.
Shapiro also received $1 million from a political action committee led by billionaire Democratic supporter George Soros; and $500,000 from Kathryn and James Murdoch, from the powerful family of media mogul Rupert Murdoch.
Kolodny noted that big contributions from people like Bloomberg are a drop in the bucket of his total political or philanthropic spending.
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“This is not something extraordinary,” Kolodny said. “He’s got nothing but money.”
In Pennsylvania, Shapiro received notably high contributions from Philadelphia Phillies owner John Middleton, who gave $125,000, and Nemacolin Resort owner MaggieHardy, who gave $250,000, among others. He also received a number of five-figure contributions from private equity officials, venture capitalists, and industry executives in life sciences, construction, and more.
Garrity’ssingle biggest donation was $250,000 from University City Housing Co., a real estate firm providing housing near Drexel University and the University of Pennsylvania. Her largest contributions from individuals included $50,000 from her finance chair, Bob Asher of Asher Chocolates, and another $50,000 from Alfred Barbour, a retired executive from Concast Metal Products.
Garrity has served as Pennsylvania’s state treasurer since 2020 and has led the low-profile statewide office with little controversy. She did not join the race for governor until August and raised only a fraction of the funds Shapiro did in that same time. Meanwhile, Shapiro spent 2025 at the political forefront as a moderate Democrat trying to challenge President Donald Trump in a state that helped elect him. Shapiro also benefited from his national name recognition after he was considered for Vice President Kamala Harris’ running mate in 2024.
Shapiro has so far outraised Garrity 30-1, and top Pennsylvania Republicans have said they want to see Garrity fundraising more aggressively nationally.
Kolodny said Garrity’s low fundraising is a reflection of the state of the race: Republicans put up a weak candidate in 2022 against Shapiro during his first run for governor, and now many powerful donors want to keep the relationship they have formed with Shapiro over the last three years.
“That will reflect as a lack of enthusiasm for her,” Kolodny said. “Now she could turn that around, but from what I see, I don’t see her that much, only recently. She had the last six months; she could have done a lot more.”
Controversy over donations tied to associates of Jeffrey Epstein
Shapiro’s top contributions from individual donors also included a $500,000 check from Reid Hoffman, the Silicon Valley-based billionaire cofounder of LinkedIn. His name showed up thousands of times in the trove of documents recently released by the U.S. Department of Justice related to the investigation into financier and convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
Garrity has highlighted the donations Shapiro received from Hoffman, and has publicly called on Shapiro to return the tech billionaire’s campaign contributions from last year and prior years, totaling more than $2 million since 2021.
Hoffman has claimed he had only a fundraising relationship with Epstein, but publiclyadmitted he had visited his island. He has not been charged with wrongdoing.
A spokesperson for Shapiro said Garrity should “stop playing politics with the Epstein files.”
“Donald Trump is mentioned in the files over 5,000 times. Is she going to ask him to rescind his endorsement?” asked Manuel Bonder, Shapiro’s spokesperson.
Garrity has previously downplayed Trump’s appearance in the Epstein files, and argued that Democrats would have released them much sooner if there was clear evidence of Trump partaking in any inappropriate behavior.
GOP candidate for Pennsylania Governor, Stacy Garrity and Jason Richey hold up their arms in Harrisburg, Pa., Saturday, February 7, 2026. The PA State Republican Committee endorsed the two in their quest for the governor’s mansion. (For the Inquirer/Kalim A. Bhatti)
If Shapiro were to return the funds from Hoffman, it would be bad for Garrity, Kolodny said, because she has made very few other political attacks against him.
Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner on Wednesday dismissed rumors that he may challenge Mayor Cherelle L. Parker when she will face reelection next year, and he said in a statement that he is focused on his job as the city’s top prosecutor.
Krasner, who last year won his third term as district attorney and has cultivated a national brand,told The Inquirer that talk he might challenge the incumbent divides the city’s leadership.
His statement came after the news website Axios Philly reported that some political insiders were floating Krasner’s name as a potential mayoral contender.
“Especially in these times, all Philadelphia residents need to stand together and work together for Philly,” Krasner said. “Not sure whose agenda this narrative serves, but there’s nothing new about insiders stirring things up to benefit themselves at the expense of everyone else.”
Talk of Parker facing a potential primary challenge ramped up in recent days after the mayor’s political action committee filed a campaign finance report showing she had raised $1.7 million last year, a striking sum for a sitting mayor two years out from a reelection bid.
In this 2024 file photo, Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle L. Parker is flanked by Police Commissioner Kevin Bethel and District Attorney Larry Krasner during a news conference.
The fundraising report fueled speculation among the city’s political class that Parker, a centrist Democrat who is backed by much of the party establishment, may be expecting a challenge in the primary.
Krasner, 64, is the most prominent progressive in the city. He won reelection last year in landslide fashion, and he has positioned himself as the city’s most vocal Trump opponent, often drawing comparisons between the federal government and 20th-century fascism.
And several past district attorneys have run for mayor, including Ed Rendell, who went on to serve two terms in City Hall and then was elected governor of Pennsylvania.
But for Krasner, any run at Parker would be tricky.
Krasner, who is white, has been successful in electoral politics in large part because of support from the city’s significant bloc of Black voters, politicians, and clergy. Those groups are also key to the base of support that has backed Parker, who comes from a long line of Black politicians hailing from the city’s Northwest.
Allies of the district attorney say a better fit — if he decided to seek higher office — could be running for a federal seat.
Political observers have suggested a handful of Democrats, including Krasner, could run for the U.S. Senate seat currently occupied by Sen. John Fetterman. The Democratic senator, who will be up for reelection in 2028, has an independent streak and has angered many in the party for at times siding with Republicans.
Several other Democrats have been floated as potential contenders for the seat, including U.S. Reps. Brendan Boyle, of Philadelphia, and Chris Deluzio, whose Western Pennsylvania district includes Allegheny County. Some have also speculated that former U.S. Rep. Conor Lamb, also of Western Pennsylvania, could run.
President Donald Trump has backed down from his decision to exclude Democratic governors from an annual White House meeting that has long been bipartisan, according to the National Governors Association.
For decades, the White House meeting between the president and governors — held around the NGA’s annual winter gathering in Washington — has included Republican and Democratic governors. That nearly changed last week when Trump did not extend an invitation to Democrats, sparking concern among governors. After telling Democratic governors Friday that they would not be invited to the meeting, the bipartisan NGA said the meeting would no longer be part of the organization’s official schedule for the gathering.
On Wednesday, however, Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt (R), the NGA chairman, told governors that Trump would be inviting all governors to the White House on Feb. 20 for the NGA’s business breakfast.
“He was very clear in his communications with me that this is a National Governors Association’s event, and he looks forward to hosting you and hearing from governors across the country,” Stitt wrote to the governors. “President Trump said this was always his intention, and we have addressed the misunderstanding in scheduling.”
Governors from all states are expected to gather in Washington for their conference from Feb. 19 to 21.
And while all governors are now being invited to the White House, not all Democrats were invited to a separate dinner there scheduled to be held around the NGA gathering. Maryland Gov. Wes Moore and Colorado Gov. Jared Polis, both Democrats, said in recent days that their invitations to the dinner had been rescinded. The other 16 Democratic governors remained on the guest list but decided Tuesday that they would not attend unless all 18 of them were invited.
Trump said on social media Wednesday that the situation over the White House meeting invitations had been a misunderstanding — and he blamed it on Stitt, whom he referred to as a “Republican In Name Only.” Stitt “incorrectly stated my position on the very exclusive Governors Annual Dinner and Meeting at the White House,” Trump wrote, and said that invitations were sent “to ALL Governors, other than two, who I feel are not worthy of being there.”
Trump emphasized that Polis and Moore had not been invited to the dinner, slinging baseless accusations against them, but he noted that he did invite some Democratic governors that he has repeatedly sparred with, including Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker and California Gov. Gavin Newsom.
“Stitt got it WRONG!” Trump wrote. “I look forward to seeing the Republican Governors, and some of the Democrats Governors who were worthy of being invited.”
White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt had defended Trump’s decision to exclude the Democrats from the meeting only a day earlier. “The president has the discretion to invite whomever he wants to the White House,” she told reporters.
NGA CEO Brandon Tatum said in a statement that the organization was “pleased the president will welcome governors from all 55 states and territories to the White House.”
“The bipartisan White House governors meeting is a valued tradition and an important opportunity to build bridges and hold constructive conversations,” Tatum said. “The NGA looks forward to continued collaboration between governors and the White House.”
The Democratic Governors Association did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the meeting and dinner.
NEW YORK — Activists planned protests at more than two dozen Target stores around the United States on Wednesday to pressure the discount retailer into taking a public stand against the 5-week-old immigration crackdown in its home state of Minnesota.
ICE Out Minnesota, a coalition of community groups, religious leaders, labor unions, and other critics of the federal operation, called for sit-ins and other demonstrations to continue at Target locations for a full week. Target’s headquarters are located in Minneapolis, where federal officers last month killed two residents who had participated in anti-ICE protests, and its name adorns the city’s major league baseball stadium and an arena where its basketball teams plays.
“They claim to be part of the community, but they are not standing up to ICE,” said Elan Axelbank, a member of the Minnesota chapter of Socialist Alternative, which describes itself as a revolutionary political group. He organized a Wednesday protest outside a Target store in Minneapolis’ Dinkytown commercial district.
Demonstrations also were scheduled in St. Paul, Minnesota, Boston, Chicago, Honolulu, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Raleigh, North Carolina, San Diego, Seattle and other cities, as well as in suburban areas of Minnesota, California and Massachusetts. Target declined Wednesday to comment on the protests.
Target first became a bull’s-eye for critics of the Trump administration’s surge in immigration enforcement activity after a widely-circulated video showed federal agents detaining two Target employees in a store in the Minneapolis suburb of Richfield last month. Luis Argueta, a spokesperson for Unidos Minnesota, an immigrant-led social justice advocacy organization that is part of the ICE Out Minnesota coalition, said his group is focusing its protests on the Richfield store.
One of the demands of Wednesday’s protests is for Target to deny federal agents entry to stores unless they have judicial warrants authorizing arrests.
Some lawyers have argued that anyone, including U.S. Border Patrol and Immigration and Customers Enforcement agents without signed warrants, can enter public areas of a business as they wish. Public areas include restaurant dining sections, open parking lots, office lobbies and shopping aisles, but not back offices, closed-off kitchens or other areas of a business that are generally off-limits to the public and where privacy would be reasonably expected, those lawyers say.
Target has not commented publicly on the detention of the store employees. CEO Michael Fiddelke, who became Target’s chief executive on Feb. 2, sent a video message to the company’s 400,000 workers two days after a Border Patrol agent and a Customs and Border Protection officer shot and killed Minneapolis resident Alex Pretti on Jan. 24.
Fiddelke said the “violence and loss of life in our community is incredibly painful,” but he did not mention the immigration crackdown or the fatal shootings of Pretti, an ICU nurse at a medical center for U.S. veterans in Minneapolis, and Renee Good, a mother of three fired on in her car by an ICE agent.
Fiddelke was one of 60 CEOs of Minnesota-based companies who, in the wake of Pretti’s death, signed an open letter “calling for an immediate de-escalation of tensions and for state, local and federal officials to work together to find real solutions.”
The protests over its alleged failure to oppose the immigration crackdown in Minnesota come a year after Target faced protests and boycotts over the company’s decision to roll back its diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives. At the time, critics said the decision marked a betrayal of Target’s retail giant’s philanthropic commitment to fighting racial disparities and promoting progressive values in liberal Minneapolis and beyond.
The retail chain also is struggling with a persistent sales malaise. Critics have complained of disheveled stores that are missing the budget-priced flair that long ago earned the retailer the nickname “Tarzhay.”
While Wednesday’s protests targeted a tiny fraction of the company’s nearly 2,000 stores, the negative attention serves as another distraction from Target’s business, according to Neil Saunders, managing director of the retail division of market research firm GlobalData.
“The agenda has been hijacked by this,” Saunders said. “And it is a bit of a distraction for Target that they’d rather not have.”
In recent days, a national coalition of Mennonite congregations organized roughly a dozen demonstrations inside and outside of Target stores across the country, singing and urging Target to publicly call Congress to defund Immigration and Customs Enforcement among other demands.
A spokesperson for Mennonite Action said the coalition was not formally connected to ICE Out but following the lead of organizers in Minneapolis.
The Rev. Joanna Lawrence Shenk, associate pastor at First Mennonite Church of San Francisco, said the group did not plan any actions on Wednesday but was mapping out weekend singalong events at Targets in a handful of towns and cities, including Pittsburgh and Harrisonburg, Virginia. She estimated that by the end of the weekend more than 1,000 congregation members will have participated.
Shenk noted that the Mennonites sing This Little Light of Mine and other gospel songs and hymns.
“The singing was an expression of our love for immigrant neighbors who are at risk right now and who are also a part of our congregation,” she said. “For us, it’s not just standing in solidarity with others but it’s also protecting people who are vulnerable.”
WASHINGTON — The House voted Wednesday to slap back President Donald Trump’s tariffs on Canada, a rare if largely symbolic rebuke of the White House agenda as Republicans joined Democrats over the objections of GOP leadership.
The tally, 219-211, was among the first times the House, controlled by Republicans, has confronted the president over a signature policy, and drew instant recrimination from Trump himself. The resolution seeks to end the national emergency Trump declared to impose the tariffs, though actually undoing the policy would require support from the president, which is highly unlikely. The resolution next goes to the Senate.
Trump believes in the power of tariffs to force U.S. trade partners to the negotiating table. But lawmakers are facing unrest back home from businesses caught in the trade wars and constituents navigating pocketbook issues and high prices.
“Today’s vote is simple, very simple: Will you vote to lower the cost of living for the American family or will you keep prices high out of loyalty to one person — Donald J. Trump?” said Rep. Gregory Meeks of New York, the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, who authored the resolution.
Within minutes, as the gavel struck, Trump fired off a stern warning to those in the Republican Party who would dare to cross him.
“Any Republican, in the House or the Senate, that votes against TARIFFS will seriously suffer the consequences come Election time, and that includes Primaries!” the president posted on social media.
The high-stakes moment provides a snapshot of the House’s unease with the president’s direction, especially ahead of the midterm elections as economic issues resonate among voters. The Senate has already voted to reject Trump’s tariffs on Canada and other countries in a show of displeasure. But both chambers would have to approve the tariff rollbacks, and send the resolution to Trump for the president’s signature — or veto.
Trump recently threatened to impose a 100% tariff on goods imported from Canada over that country’s proposed China trade deal, intensifying a feud with the longtime U.S. ally and Prime Minister Mark Carney.
Johnson (R., La.) insisted lawmakers wait for a pending Supreme Court ruling in a lawsuit about the tariffs. He engineered a complicated rules change to prevent floor action. But Johnson’s strategy collapsed late Tuesday, as Republicans peeled off during a procedural vote to ensure the Democratic measure was able to advance.
“The president’s trade policies have been of great benefit,” Johnson had said. “And I think the sentiment is that we allow a little more runway for this to be worked out between the executive branch and the judicial branch.”
Late Tuesday evening, Johnson could be seen speaking to holdout Republican lawmakers as the GOP leadership team struggled to shore up support during a lengthy procedural vote, but the numbers lined up against him.
“We’re disappointed in what the people have done,” Kevin Hassett, the director of the White House’s National Economic Council, told reporters at the White House on Wednesday morning. “The president will make sure they don’t repeal his tariffs.”
Terminating Trump’s emergency
The resolution put forward by Meeks would terminate the national emergency that Trump declared a year ago as one of his executive orders.
The administration claimed illicit drug flow from Canada constitutes an unusual and extraordinary threat that allows the president to slap tariffs on imported goods outside the terms of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement.
The Republican chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Rep. Brian Mast of Florida, said the flow of fentanyl into the U.S. is a dire national emergency and the policy must be left in place.
“Let’s be clear again about what this resolution is and what it’s not. It’s not a debate about tariffs. You can talk about those, but that’s not really what it is,” Mast said. “This is Democrats trying to ignore that there is a fentanyl crisis.”
Experts say fentanyl produced by cartels in Mexico is largely smuggled into the U.S. from land crossings in California and Arizona. Fentanyl is also made in Canada and smuggled into the U.S., but to a much lesser extent.
Torn between Trump and tariffs
Ahead of voting, some rank-and-file Republican lawmakers expressed unease over the choices ahead as Democrats — and a few renegade Republicans — impressed on their colleagues the need to flex their power as the legislative branch rather than ceding so much power to the president to take authority over trade and tariff policy.
Rep. Don Bacon (R., Neb.) said he was unpersuaded by Johnson’s call to wait until the Supreme Court makes its decision about the legality of Trump’s tariffs. He voted for passage.
“Why doesn’t the Congress stand on its own two feet and say that we’re an independent branch?” Bacon said. “We should defend our authorities. I hope the Supreme Court does, but if we don’t do it, shame on us.”
Bacon, who is retiring rather than facing reelection, also argued that tariffs are bad economic policy.
Other Republicans had to swiftly make up their minds after Johnson’s gambit — which would have paused the calendar days to prevent the measure from coming forward — was turned back.
“At the end of the day, we’re going to have to support our president,” said Rep. Keith Self (R., Texas).
Rep. Darrell Issa (R., Calif.) said he doesn’t want to tie the president’s hands on trade and would support the tariffs on Canada “at this time.”
