Tag: Weekend Reads

  • Former Villanova professor says she was fired after accusing the law school of racial discrimination

    Former Villanova professor says she was fired after accusing the law school of racial discrimination

    A former Villanova professor says in a federal lawsuit filed this week she was fired from the Catholic university after accusing its law school of racial discrimination involving one of her students.

    Stephanie Sena, who had been an anti-poverty fellow in the law school and taught at Villanova for more than 20 years, was dismissed in 2024 for what the school said were “student complaints,” according to the lawsuit.

    But Sena’s lawyers say the dismissal was due to her filing an ethics complaint against the school for racial discrimination for comments that administrators made around a decision not to give her student a financial award that would have alleviated her debt, citing a speech the student made at a law school symposium.

    The student, Antionna Fuller, accused Villanova of racial discrimination and failing to appropriately support her with financial aid during a 2021 symposium speech at the university, titled “Shifting the Poverty Lens: Caritas in Focus.” Sena hosted the symposium, during which Fuller also publicly asked for an apology from Villanova.

    “How can you say caritas [which means love and charity in Latin] and Black lives matter with no thought to a Black life in front of you, systematically oppressed by your hands?” Fuller said, according to a video of the speech. “It’s not only hypocritical, but it’s embarrassing. We cannot talk about oppression and white supremacy without acknowledging its very presence here.”

    Her speech drew a standing ovation, but later caused consternation among law school leadership.

    Sena found out that law school dean Mark Alexander, in a letter to the scholarship committee, asked that Fuller not receive the debt relief award because she “maliciously maligned” the law school, according to the suit.

    Sena‘s lawsuit alleges that then-law school vice dean Michael Risch said after the student’s speech that the student was “lucky” to have gotten into the law school and that she would not be there if she were white.

    Villanova said in a statement Wednesday that Sena’s lawsuit “lacks merit” and that the university “will vigorously defend against these baseless allegations.”

    “We look forward to presenting the actual facts surrounding the plaintiff’s separation from Villanova. To be clear, Villanova University does not tolerate discrimination or retaliation of any kind, and the allegations in Plaintiff’s lawsuit are contrary to our written policies and conflict with the core values of our University.”

    Sena, 46, of Media, declined to comment.

    Fuller, 29, who now lives with her mother in the South, said in an interview Wednesday that she feels both relieved and anxious about seeing the issue aired publicly.

    “I am happy, at least relieved, that truth is coming out,” said Fuller, who graduated summa cum laude from the University of South Carolina and got her Villanova law degree in 2022. “I’ve been in such an isolated place and just carrying this trauma for so long.”

    She said she sought therapy after the reaction she got to her speech from Villanova administrators and last year wrote a book, I Almost Sued My Law School, about her journey as a first-generation, low-income Black student. She no longer wants to practice law, she said, and is still figuring out her next steps.

    But she said she was grateful to Sena, whom, during the symposium speech, she called “my hero, advocate, and my friend.”

    “She was the first person to publicly stand up for me,” Fuller said.

    Stephanie Sena stands at site of an encampment along Kensington Avenue in 2021.

    Fallout from symposium speech

    Sena, a longtime activist who has worked to help people experiencing homelessness and opened a homeless shelter in Upper Darby in 2022, was fired in 2016 from her job as an adjunct professor at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts after defending students who accused a classmate of rape. She sued PAFA and the case ended in a confidential settlement.

    She also led activists in lawsuits against the city in 2021 over its intentions to remove homeless people in a Kensington encampment. In 2023, the head of Norristown’s municipal council planned to bus homeless people to Villanova’s campus because of Sena’s advocacy for the homeless in Norristown. Villanova at the time was criticized for not defending Sena and making a stronger response.

    Sena was hired to teach at Villanova in 2003 and began to work at the law school in 2020, serving as a full-time faculty member and anti poverty fellow. She was also an adjunct professor at Villanova’s Center for Peace and Justice.

    In her lawsuit against Villanova, Sena asserts that law school leadership met with her in 2022, several months after Fuller’s symposium speech, and asked her if she had known what Fuller planned to say. Matthew Saleh, former assistant dean for admissions, told her it would be harder to attract Black students to the school because of the speech, according to the suit. Risch, the vice dean, made the comment about Fuller not being at Villanova if she had been white, the suit says.

    Saleh, who now is the senior associate dean of enrollment management and financial aid at Rutgers’ law school, said in an interview that he does not recall making that comment and that he doesn’t think it’s even the case that Fuller’s speech would hurt recruiting.

    “That would not have even come to my mind,” he said. “I couldn’t reasonably see a way that it would impact recruiting.”

    Sena “objected to the race discriminatory and retaliatory comments” made to her in that meeting, according to the suit.

    In October 2023, she complained again about the comments in an email to two administrators who headed diversity, equity, and inclusion at Villanova, according to the lawsuit complaint. Then came the award committee meeting on Jan. 30, 2024, where the dean in a letter argued against Fuller’s receiving the award, according to the suit.

    Students who were in the award committee meeting and were upset about the law school dean’s reaction approached Sena and asked what they could do, according to the suit. Sena said the students, who are not named in her lawsuit, could contact the diversity, equity, and inclusion office and file a climate complaint.

    Sena, according to the suit, complained again one day after the award committee meeting that Villanova “had engaged in a dangerous pattern of race discrimination” and filed an ethics complaint with the university. She also expressed her concerns in an email to faculty and in a meeting with a law professor, who told her the students had committed an ethics violation by revealing confidential details of the awards meeting they were in, according to the suit.

    After filing the complaint, Sena said in her lawsuit, she was “treated differently,” “unjustly criticized,” and “blamed for issues outside her control.”

    In June 2024, human resources informed her that she was under investigation after students said she had pressured them to file complaints against the deans, which Sena denied, the suit said.

    She was fired July 30, 2024, even though, the suit said, she had no prior performance or disciplinary issues and had received awards and promotions. She is seeking damages including economic loss, compensatory and punitive, and attorneys’ fees and costs.

    An apology and acknowledgement

    During the symposium, Fuller had said she wished Villanova would apologize and acknowledge what happened. She said that the school had given her $15,000 in financial aid toward her annual $65,000 cost, but that she subsequently learned other students had gotten more, even though her mother worked multiple jobs as a nurse’s aide to support the family.

    “I was confused,” she told the audience. “How can a student with seemingly the most need graduate with the most debt?”

    She learned of a free-tuition public interest scholarship that Villanova awards to incoming students and sought it after she was enrolled, she said. She was turned down repeatedly, she said, even though Villanova had recently awarded its largest group of the scholarships.

    “Am I invisible?” she asked. “To walk into this law school building every day, to be surrounded by wealth and prestige, while struggling and burdened with debt, and while expected to perform like those who are not feels inhumane.”

    She said during the speech she would graduate with almost $200,000 in student debt. Villanova officials, she said Wednesday, later accused her of exaggerating because she was including her undergraduate debt, too, and maintained that the total was really $160,000 — $126,000 of which was from the law school.

    Fuller said Wednesday she had apologized to law school leadership, hugged them at graduation, and thought everything had been resolved. She said she was surprised to hear that the dean wanted to block her access to the debt award, she said.

    “My intent wasn’t to harm, attack or mislead,” Fuller wrote in her book, “but to share my personal experience — my fears and financial anxieties — as part of the larger conversation about finding solutions to reduce poverty, which the conference was centered around.”

    Staff writer Abraham Gutman contributed to this article.

  • The detention of the couple that owns Jersey Kebab sparked change. Deportation still looms.

    The detention of the couple that owns Jersey Kebab sparked change. Deportation still looms.

    COLLINGSWOOD, N.J. — The shawarma, falafel wraps and baklava at Jersey Kebab are great, but many of its patrons are also there these days for a side of protest.

    A New Jersey suburb of Philadelphia has rallied around the restaurant’s Turkish owners since federal officers detained the couple last February because they say their visas had expired.

    In fact, business has been so good since Celal and Emine Emanet were picked up early in the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown that they have moved to a bigger space in the next town over. Their regulars don’t seem to mind.

    The family came to the U.S. seeking freedom

    Celal Emanet, 52, first came to the U.S. in 2000 to learn English while he pursued his doctorate in Islamic history at a Turkish university. He returned in 2008 to serve as an imam at a southern New Jersey mosque, bringing Emine and their first two children came, too. Two more would be born in the U.S.

    Before long, Celal had an additional business of delivering bread to diners. They applied for permanent residency and believed they were on their way to receiving green cards.

    When the COVID-19 pandemic began and the delivery trucks were idled, Celal and Emine, who had both worked in restaurants in Turkey, opened Jersey Kebab in Haddon Township. Business was strong from the start.

    It all changed in a moment

    On Feb. 25, U.S. marshals and Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers arrested the couple at the restaurant. Celal was sent home with an ankle monitor, but Emine, now 47, was moved to a detention facility more than an hour’s drive away and held there for 15 days.

    With its main cook in detention and the family in crisis, the shop closed temporarily.

    Emine Emanet hugs her husband Celal as she leaves the ICE Elizabeth Detention Facility on Wednesday, March 12, 2025.

    Although the area is heavily Democratic, the arrests of the Emanets signaled to many locals that immigration enforcement during President Donald Trump’s second term wouldn’t stop at going after people with criminal backgrounds who are in the U.S. illegally.

    “They were not dangerous people — not the type of people we were told on TV they were looking to remove from our country,” Haddon Township Mayor Randy Teague said.

    Supporters organized a vigil and raised $300,000 that kept the family and business afloat while the shop was closed — and paid legal bills. Members of Congress helped, and hundreds of customers wrote letters of support.

    Celal Emanet works at the grill in his Jersey Kebab restaurant on Sunday, Mar. 30, 2025.

    Space for a crowd

    As news of the family’s ordeal spread, customers new and old began packing the restaurant. The family moved it late last year to a bigger space down busy Haddon Avenue in Collingswood.

    They added a breakfast menu and for the first time needed to hire servers besides their son Muhammed.

    The location changed, but the restaurant still features a sign in the window offering free meals to people in need. That’s honoring a Muslim value, to care for “anybody who has less than us,” Muhammed said.

    Judy Kubit and Linda Rey, two friends from the nearby communities of Medford and Columbus, respectively, said they came to Haddon Township last year for an anti-Trump “No Kings” rally and ate a post-protest lunch at the kebab shop.

    “We thought, we have to go in just to show our solidarity for the whole issue,” Kubit said.

    Last month, with the immigration crackdown in Minneapolis dominating the headlines, they were at the new location for lunch.

    Gretchen Seibert tapes up hearts with words of support for Celal and Emine Emanet, the owners of Jersey Kebab, after the couple was detained by ICE in February 2025.

    The legal battle hasn’t ended

    The Emanets desperately want to stay in the U.S., where they’ve built a life and raised their family.

    Celal has a deportation hearing in March, and Emine and Muhammed will also have hearings eventually.

    Celal said moving back to Turkey would be bad for his younger children. They don’t speak Turkish, and one is autistic and needs the help available in the U.S.

    Also, he’d be worried about his own safety because of his academic articles. “I am in opposition to the Turkish government,” he said. “If they deport me, I am going to get very big problems.”

    The groundswell of support has shown the family they’re not alone.

    “We’re kind of fighting for our right to stay the country,” Muhammed Emanet said, “while still having amazing support from the community behind us. So we’re all in it together.”

  • A stadium district mega-development opposed by the Phillies, Eagles, and Comcast Spectacor appears to be dead

    A stadium district mega-development opposed by the Phillies, Eagles, and Comcast Spectacor appears to be dead

    A major development project that would have brought 1,367 residential units to South Philadelphia’s stadium district seems to have fallen apart since the real estate partnership behind the project ended last summer.

    The project was revealed in 2024 and would have been a collaboration between Hines, an international development company, and the King of Prussia-based Philadelphia Suburban Development Corp. (PSDC), which owns the land.

    It would have constructed six buildings, including an office tower and entertainment complex, to the east of the Live! Casino & Hotel where Parx Casino’s South Philadelphia Race & Sportsbook and Packer Avenue Foods once stood.

    Council President Kenyatta Johnson, who represents the area, has moved to repeal several zoning ordinances that he had passed to enable the project, despite protests from PSDC president Mark Nicoletti, who says the move will kill the project.

    “Hines withdrew from the project last summer,” Johnson said in a statement. “Since the plans that were presented to me at the outset of the partnership with Hines and PSDC have significantly changed, I feel it is in the best long-term interest of the residents … to introduce new legislation this year that repeals the original 2024 zoning legislation.”

    Johnson advanced his repeal legislation at an early February hearing of City Council’s Rules committee. A final vote could come as soon as next week.

    Nicoletti says PSDC could have developed the project without Hines, but only if the zoning legislation had remained in place.

    “I’m honestly scratching my head. This makes no sense,” Nicoletti said Tuesday after the City Council hearing. “What happened today was random and inexplicable and unfortunately killed thousands of jobs and a very important economic development project.”

    The project proved controversial early on, with representatives of the Phillies, Eagles, and Comcast Spectacor — which owns the Flyers — expressing concerns at a 2024 City Council hearing.

    Earlier in 2024 those three organizations shared plans of their own for a mixed-use development of their own at the sports complex.

    The release occurred as debate raged around a plan from the 76ers to leave the sports complex and build an arena in Center City — an effort the team ultimately aborted.

    But Nicoletti says his company met with local community organizations and the major sports teams about the proposal.

    “We presented comprehensive plans from a top architectural firm at a dozen meetings with community groups and the teams,” Nicoletti said. “We worked through any concerns the Planning Commission had to win their support.”

    But Nicoletti says the two developers went separate ways last summer because Hines did not exercise an option to buy all or part of the property from the PSDC.

    Hines declined to comment.

    An overview of what Hines and PSDC are planning for the stadium district.

    Johnson’s legislation contained a sunset clause for the zoning overlay he created to aid the project, which would have repealed itself later this year. But he decided to act sooner.

    Johnson also repealed a change in the underlying zoning from industrial to land use rules that allow mixed commercial and residential use.

    If he had left that mixed-use zoning in place, the land value would have increased even without the project moving forward.

    “I look forward to hearing new proposals from anyone, including PSDC, concerning new development plans for the former South Philadelphia Race & Sportsbook location at 700 Packer Ave.,” Johnson’s statement read.

    Johnson emphasized that any new proposal would need to be presented to neighborhood groups and get their support before he introduces any new zoning legislation.

    The Hines and PSDC collaboration promised to create thousands of construction jobs, but the exit of the international developer is seen by union leadership as the catalyst for the project’s death.

    “Hines stepped away from the project, and that caused the Council president to look at it with a new set of eyes,” said Ryan Boyer, who leads the Philadelphia Building and Construction Trades Council and the Laborers District Council.

    “The Council president has approved correct development, but he wants the community to have a say — as is his right,” Boyer said. “But I also think that [Johnson] and Mark [Nicoletti] are both reasonable people and reasonable men will come to a resolution for both of them, and for the building trades.”

  • Unmasking ICE in Philly could test the limits of local power over federal agents

    Unmasking ICE in Philly could test the limits of local power over federal agents

    One of the lasting images of President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign will be the masks worn by federal immigration agents.

    The widespread use of facial coverings by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers is among the suite of tactics — agents dressed in plainclothes, wearing little identification, jumping out of unmarked cars to grab people off the street — that have fueled immigration advocates’ use of terms like “kidnappings” and “abductions.”

    Now Philadelphia lawmakers appear poised to pass legislation that would ban all officers operating in the city — including local police — from concealing their identities by wearing masks or conducting enforcement from unmarked cars.

    The question is whether the city can make that rule stick.

    Legal hurdles loom for municipalities and states attempting to regulate federal law enforcement. Local jurisdictions are generally prohibited from interfering with basic federal functions, and Trump administration officials say state- and city-level bans violate the constitutional provision that says federal law reigns supreme.

    Experts are split on whether the bill proposed by Philadelphia City Council members last week would survive a lawsuit.

    There are also practical concerns about enforcement. Violating the mask ban would be a civil infraction, meaning local police would be tasked with citing other law enforcement officers for covering their faces.

    “No doubt this will be challenged,” said Stanley Brand, a distinguished fellow at Penn State Dickinson Law. “This ordinance will be a protracted and complicated legal slog.”

    Councilmember Kendra Brooks speaks during a news conference at City Hall to announce a package of bills aimed at pushing back against ICE enforcement on Jan. 27.

    Advocates for immigrants say that unmasking ICE agents is a safety issue, and that officers rarely identify themselves when asked, despite being required to carry badges.

    Mask use can also spur impersonators, they say. At least four people in Philadelphia have been arrested for impersonating ICE officers in the last year.

    “You see these people in your community with guns and vests and masks,” said Desi Bernette, a leader of MILPA, the Movement of Immigrant Leaders in Pennsylvania. “It’s very scary, and it’s not normal.”

    Democrats in jurisdictions across America, including Congress and the Pennsylvania General Assembly, have introduced legislation to ban ICE agents from concealing their faces. California is the furthest along in implementing a mask prohibition, and a judge is currently weighing a challenge filed by the Trump administration.

    Senate Democrats negotiating a budget deal in Washington have asked for a nationwide ban on ICE agents wearing masks in exchange for their votes to fund the Department of Homeland Security.

    And polling shows getting rid of masks is popular. A recent Pew Research Center survey found that 61% of Americans believe federal agents should not wear face coverings to conceal their identities while on duty.

    ICE officials say agents should have the freedom to conceal their faces while operating in a hyperpartisan political environment.

    Last year, ICE head Todd Lyons told CBS News that he was not a proponent of agents wearing masks, though he would allow it. Some officers, he said, have had private information published online, leading to death threats against them and their families.

    On Sunday, U.S. Sen. John Fetterman, a Pennsylvania Democrat, defended ICE officers who wear masks and said doxing is a “serious concern.”

    “They could target [agents’] families,” Fetterman said in an interview on Fox News, “and they are organizing these people to put their names out there.”

    Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pa., participates in a debate on June 2, 2025, in Boston.

    The Council authors of the Philadelphia bills say they are responding to constituents who are intimidated by ICE’s tactics, and they believe their legislation can withstand a legal challenge.

    “Our goal is to make sure that our folks feel safe here in the city,” said City Councilmember Kendra Brooks. “We are here to protect Philadelphians, and if that means we eventually need to go to court, that’s what would need to happen.”

    The constitutional limits on unmasking ICE

    The bill introduced last week by Brooks and Councilmember Rue Landau is part of a package of seven pieces of legislation aimed at limiting how ICE operates in Philadelphia. The proposals would bar Philadelphia employees from sharing information with ICE and ban the agency from using city property to stage raids.

    Fifteen of Council’s 17 members signed on to the package of legislation, meaning a version of it is likely to become law. Passing a bill in City Council requires nine votes, and overriding a mayoral veto takes 12. Mayor Cherelle L. Parker has said her team is reviewing the legislation, which can still be amended before it becomes law.

    Anti-ICE activists demonstrate outside U.S. Sen. John Fetterman’s Philadelphia office, Jan. 27, calling for an end to federal immigration enforcement policies.

    One of the two members who did not cosponsor the package was Councilmember Mike Driscoll, a Democrat who represents parts of Lower Northeast Philadelphia. He indicated that he had concerns about whether the “ICE Out” legislation would hold up in court.

    Brooks said Council members worked with attorneys to ensure the legislation is “within our scope as legislators for this city to make sure that we protect our folks against these federal attacks.”

    Brand, of Dickinson Law, said the legislation is a classic example of a conflict between two constitutional pillars: the clause that says federal law is supreme, and the 10th Amendment, which gives states powers that are not delegated to the federal government.

    He said there is precedent that the states — or, in this case, cities — cannot interfere with laws enacted by Congress, such as immigration matters.

    “If I were betting, I would bet on the federal government,” Brand said.

    But there is a gray area, he said, and that includes the fact that no law — or even regulation — says federal law enforcement agents must wear masks.

    Kermit Roosevelt, a law professor at the University of Pennsylvania who is an expert on the Constitution and conflict of laws, said if there is no agency policy, that is “free space” for states and cities to regulate.

    Roosevelt said Brooks’ legislation steers clear of other constitutional concerns because it applies to all police officers, not just federal agents.

    “If they were trying to regulate only federal agents, the question would be, ‘Why aren’t you doing that to your own police officers?’” he said. “If you single out the federal government, it looks more like you’re trying to interfere with what the federal government is doing.”

    Applying the law to local police

    Experts say part of the backlash to ICE agents covering their faces is because Americans are not used to it. Local police, sheriff’s deputies, and state troopers all work largely without hiding their faces.

    “Seeing law enforcement actions happening with federal agents in masks, that’s extremely jarring,” said Cris Ramon, an immigration consultant based in Washington. “Why are you operating outside of the boundaries of what every other law enforcement agency is doing?”

    Protesters march up Eighth Street, toward the immigration offices, during the Philly stands with Minneapolis Ice Out For Good protest at Philadelphia City Hall on Jan. 23.

    The Council legislation includes exceptions for officers wearing medical-grade masks, using protective equipment, or working undercover. It also allows facial coverings for religious purposes.

    However, the federal government could still raise First Amendment concerns, said Shaakirrah R. Sanders, an associate dean at Penn State Dickinson Law.

    The administration, she said, could argue that the city is only trying to regulate law enforcement officers and claim that would be discriminatory.

    Sanders said defending the legislation could be “very costly” and the city should consider alternatives that fall more squarely within its authority. She pointed to efforts like New Jersey Gov. Mikie Sherrill’s announcement that the state would create a database for residents to upload videos of ICE interacting with the public.

    “It looks like the city wants to wield big legislative power,” Sanders said. “My alternative is more in the grassroots work, where you are the first ear for your citizens, not the regulator of the federal government.”

  • Philly federal judges are growing frustrated with ICE policy to detain most undocumented immigrants

    Philly federal judges are growing frustrated with ICE policy to detain most undocumented immigrants

    Federal judges in Philadelphia have been unusually outspoken in recent weeks about what they call the “illegal” policy by ICE of mandating detention for nearly all undocumented immigrants — and have been sharply critical of the “unsound” arguments by government attorneys seeking to justify the approach.

    U.S. District Judge Harvey Bartle III has overturned the government’s attempts to detain people in six cases over the last two months, writing in one opinion that Immigration and Customs Enforcement “continues to act contrary to law, to spend taxpayer money needlessly, and to waste the scarce resources of the judiciary.”

    And U.S. District Judge Kai N. Scott became the latest jurist to equate the ongoing legal battle with the government to Greek mythology, saying she and her colleagues on the bench have been squaring off with the Justice Department in a manner similar to Heracles’ confrontation with Hydra, the serpentlike monster that grew two heads every time one was chopped off.

    Although the region’s federal judges have “unanimously rejected” the government’s attempts to rationalize ICE detention of immigrants “without cause, without notice, and in clear violation” of federal law, Scott wrote, the government has continued to detain people in the same fashion day after day. And after each rejection, she wrote, “at least two more nearly identical” petitions seeking relief pop up on the court’s docket.

    “The Court writes today with a newfound and personal appreciation of Heracles’ struggles,” she said.

    District Judge Kai N. Scott’s Feb. 4, 2026 memo granting another habeas petition filed by an immigrant, and expressing frustration with the federal government’s arguments.

    The judicial rebukes come as immigration authorities have continued sweeping the nation to fulfill President Donald Trump’s promise of mass deportations. The number of detained immigrants has exploded — as has the number of court petitions from people seeking immediate release, which are known as habeas petitions.

    The enlarged legal workload has put a corresponding strain on the nation’s U.S. attorney’s offices, which typically defend ICE’s actions in federal court. Prosecutors from the New Jersey U.S. Attorney’s Office, for example, requested an extension in January to handle part of a class-action suit in order to deal with a surge in immigration release petitions.

    “This Office continues to handle an unprecedented volume of emergent immigration habeas petitions, which we continue to prioritize because of the liberty interests at issue,” the letter said.

    And in Minnesota this week, a federal prosecutor said she wished the judge would hold her in contempt so she could get some sleep in jail. Julie Le seemed exasperated when the judge pressed her on why the government had been ignoring his release orders.

    “What do you want me to do? The system sucks. This job sucks,” Le said, according to a court transcript.

    Le was subsequently fired.

    The issue at the center of each incident involves ICE’s mandatory detention policy. The policy was rolled out over the summer, and it requires that nearly all undocumented immigrants be held in custody as their cases wind through the country’s backlogged and complex immigration system.

    That upended decades of government practice, which typically allowed people who entered the country illegally, but who were otherwise law-abiding, to at least receive a bond hearing and determine if they could remain in the community as their cases moved forward.

    Jeanne Ottoson with Cooper River Indivisible attends an Immigrant rights groups rally outside the Third Circuit Court of Appeals to defend the New Jersey state ban on immigration-detention contracts on May 1, 2025.

    Some of those detained as a result of the policy have filed habeas petitions, arguing that their detention violates the Constitution. And in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia’s federal court, judges have granted challenges to the policy at a near-universal rate.

    Still, those decisions have been made on a case-by-case basis, with relief extended only to one petitioner at a time. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, which is based in New Orleans and is considered one of the country’s most conservative jurisdictions, heard a broader challenge to the policy. A divided 2-1 court ruled Friday that ICE can detain undocumented immigrants the agency is seeking to deport, even those who have been in the country for years.

    The ruling covers only federal courts in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas, and many legal experts expects the matter to ultimately end up before the U.S. Supreme Court.

    In Philadelphia, Scott’s expression of frustration came this week in response to the release petition of Franklin Leonidas Once Chillogallo. The 24-year-old from Ecuador came to the United States in 2020, lives with his partner and his 6-month-old twin daughters in Upper Darby, and works as a construction worker. He has no criminal history.

    After ICE arrested Once Chillogallo outside his home on Jan. 13, he was held in the Philadelphia Federal Detention Center without the opportunity for an immigration judge to review his case.

    Just as happened in the previous 90 cases, Scott rejected the argument that Once Chillogallo, an immigrant who has been in the country for years, was subject to the same bond rules as those who were caught entering without permission. The judge ordered Once Chillogallo’s release, which took place the following day, according to the court docket.

    Inside the federal courthouse Thursday, judges held three hearings on arcane legal questions surrounding habeas petitions.

    Dozens of other habeas petitions remain pending, court records show. In many that were recently decided, judges used terse or brusque language to point out that the government’s interpretation of the law has been repeatedly rejected.

    “Across the board, there is frustration. There is frustration from attorneys. There is frustration from the judges,” said Kimberly Tomczak, an immigration attorney who represented Once Chillogallo. “Nothing seems to be changing on the immigration side in response to the flood of habeas grants across the nation.”

  • This developer wants to revive one of South Jersey’s deadest malls. But it’s not a done deal.

    This developer wants to revive one of South Jersey’s deadest malls. But it’s not a done deal.

    A North Jersey developer has plans to finally transform the long-dead Echelon Mall, saying he’d spend more than $250 million to create a “regional destination” with high-end restaurants, entertainment venues, sports retailers, housing, and perhaps even an “upscale supermarket.”

    “We’re going to try to make it Voorhees’ main street” inside the old mall building, said George Vallone, president of the Hoboken Brownstone Co. “Just sort of reinvent the whole thing.”

    The project, which would include townhouses, apartments, a parking garage, and community spaces, was unanimously approved by the Voorhees Township Committee in October.

    But Vallone said his plans aren’t set in stone: The revitalization of the former mall, now called the Voorhees Town Center, depends on whether Hoboken Brownstone can get financial help from the state.

    The entrance to the food court at the Voorhees Town Center, which has been closed for nearly two years after a fire.

    Vallone said his company is applying for a $90 million tax credit for development projects and expects to hear in the coming months whether it is approved. If not, he said, “we walk.”

    Vallone made similar statements in a Philadelphia Business Journal report earlier this week.

    Voorhees Township Mayor Michael Mignogna said he supports “the thoughtful redevelopment of the former Echelon Mall site” as proposed by Hoboken Brownstone.

    “Throughout the process, the township has worked collaboratively with Hoboken Brownstone and Namdar in their private transaction to advocate for the rejuvenation of Town Center, specifically a strong business and retail presence that will restore the site as the center of Voorhees tradition and community,” Mignogna said in a statement.

    He noted that a state tax credit would not affect the developer’s local tax responsibilities.

    The uncertainty represents the latest hurdle in the long quest to revive the sprawling complex off Somerdale Road. Over the years, the 400-acre property, one of the Philadelphia region’s many lifeless malls, has been redeveloped in fits and starts under multiple owners.

    Recently, transformations have begun at nearby malls, including Moorestown and Burlington Center, as the old Echelon Mall languishes.

    What $250 million could do for dead Voorhees mall

    The Voorhees Township Town Hall would not be included in a potential sale of the closed mall building.

    Voorhees officials, including Mignogna, have been talking about the troubled mall’s revival for two decades.

    Built in the 1970s, the once-bustling Echelon Mall has been struggling with vacancies since the early 2000s.

    In an attempt to turn the mall around, it was partially demolished, and a Main Street-style mixed-use development was built on part of the property in 2008. After this makeover, which cost an estimated $150 million, the complex was rebranded as the Voorhees Town Center.

    Namdar Realty Group, which is known to scoop up distressed malls, bought the property from PREIT for $13.4 million in 2015, but the situation did not improve. Retailers continued to flee. Customers followed. In 2024, a two-alarm fire damaged the inside of the building. It has not reopened since.

    A sign on the door of the Voorhees Town Center, which has been closed for nearly two years due to fire damage.

    Hoboken Brownstone plans to buy the mall building from Namdar in a pending sale, dependent on the tax break, Vallone said. He declined to disclose how much he would pay for the property, and Namdar executives could not be reached.

    The sale would not include the Voorhees Town Hall, which occupies 22,000 square feet of the mall and cost the township $5.5 million.

    Nor would it include the property’s existing mixed-use section, Boulevard Shoppes, which had been home to an Iron Hill Brewery until the company filed for bankruptcy and closed all locations this fall. (Township administrator Stephen Steglik said Voorhees hasn’t heard anything from Namdar about what’s next for the Iron Hill space.)

    Voorhees Township officials are in the dark about the future of the closed Iron Hill Brewery.

    Boscov’s, the site’s sole department store, would also be excluded from the sale, and executives have said it would remain open.

    If the sale goes through, Vallone said, construction could begin in early 2027.

    The company plans to build more than 200 market-rate townhouses; more than 100 units of affordable housing, including for-sale townhouses and rental apartments; and a parking garage with at least 1,300 spaces.

    As for the retail space inside the mall, “we’re going to invest a lot of money because there has been very little maintenance done on that thing for the last 20 years,” Vallone said. The mall building will not be torn down, he said, and may look largely the same from the outside.

    Why this developer invests in dead New Jersey malls

    The former Echelon Mail, as seen through a window in October 2024, after a fire damaged the building. The mall has not reopened since.

    In Voorhees, Hoboken Brownstone’s plan differs from its other major mall redevelopment in New Jersey.

    In Flemington, Hunterdon County, Vallone said they’re demolishing Liberty Village, considered the country’s first outlet center, and turning it into a mixed-use complex that will also include townhouses and apartments.

    After buying Liberty Village from Namdar, Vallone said he reached back out to the real estate company to inquire about other mall properties for sale. That’s how he became interested in the Voorhees Town Center.

    Vallone said he believes dead and dying malls can make good investments.

    “Here we have a substantial amount of infrastructure that is feeding the mall,” including plumbing and electric, Vallone said. “That de-risks the project quite a bit.”

    And he said he thinks customers will come to malls-turned-town-centers if they are developed thoughtfully.

    After all, retailers like Amazon can’t deliver everything same-day, Vallone said, and shopping online doesn’t offer the same experience as browsing at a store.

    In-person entertainment, fine dining, and even grocery shopping are also hard to replicate at home, he said: “Certain things, you have to go somewhere to do.”

  • After a historic win, Joi Washington settles into life as Media’s mayor

    After a historic win, Joi Washington settles into life as Media’s mayor

    Joi Washington’s first challenge as mayor came in the form of a winter weather emergency.

    On Jan. 5, Washington was sworn in as Media’s first new mayor in three decades. On Jan. 25, 9.3 inches of snow fell on Philadelphia, setting off a snow emergency declaration. Washington monitored the storm and worked to put parking restrictions and plowing operations into effect.

    It was “fascinating” — a headfirst dive into running a municipal government, she said.

    A graphic designer by trade and former borough council member, Washington moved to Media from Philadelphia in 2013 and fell in love with its walkability and tight-knit community of 6,000. As she learns on the job, friends and colleagues say her intelligence and ability to work across the aisle make her the right person for the role. For Washington, learning how to be a good mayor is all about “being a good neighbor.”

    Media Mayor Joi Washington talks with Garden Café owner Willow Culbertson in downtown Media on Sunday, Feb. 1.

    Who is Joi Washington?

    Washington, 39, was born and raised in Germantown. She graduated from Moore College of Art and Design in 2008 with a bachelor of fine arts in illustration. She has worked for numerous Philly-area companies doing graphic design, digital asset management, and storyboarding.

    Around a decade ago, Washington took a graphic design job in Media. The long commute from Roxborough, where she lived at the time, quickly became tiresome, so she packed up and moved. She met her husband at work, and the two have lived in Media since.

    Washington, a Democrat, was elected to Media’s borough council in 2021, serving until she became mayor last month.

    Katey McVerry, Media’s tax collector, was impressed with Washington as a borough council member. She described Washington as civically and politically engaged, “well known by her neighbors,” and able to work across the aisle.

    When Bob McMahon, Media’s mayor of 33 years, decided to retire last year, Washington stepped up.

    Children played as folks dined on State Street during Media’s Dine Under the Stars event on Wednesday, June 4, 2025.

    A ‘resounding’ win

    Washington campaigned for mayor on expanding public transit options, supporting local businesses, and working with law enforcement to make streets safer for drivers, cyclists, and pedestrians. She was elected with 77% of the vote, beating out Republican Kevin Kellogg.

    Democrats swept local races in Media and Delaware County in November, winning seats on the Rose Tree Media school board, borough council, and Delaware County Council.

    Mary Tonita Austin helped campaign for Washington last year. Austin and Washington met at a Juneteenth celebration when Washington was still on borough council. Last year, when Austin ran for the Rose Tree Media school board, they found themselves in similar spots — Black women running for office in a county that remains largely white (Washington is the first woman and first person of color to be elected mayor of Media).

    Austin gladly handed out Washington’s campaign fliers along with her own.

    “She’s both intelligent and creative, which I think is so important for us to have,” Austin said of Washington.

    Malcolm Yates, a convener of the Delaware County Black Caucus, said Washington’s win was “resounding.”

    Media is 82% white, according to the most recent census estimates — a percentage nearly 1.5 times higher than the Philly metro area at-large. Before Democrats won three seats on the Delaware County Council in 2019, the body had been controlled by Republicans since the Civil War.

    “It shows that the county has been moving and progressing forward to be more of a melting pot,” Yates said of Washington’s win. “You don’t necessarily have to always look or identify a certain way to be a leader.”

    Media Mayor Joi Washington at Media Borough Hall Sunday, Feb. 1, 2026.

    Becoming the mayor

    Washington describes the first few weeks of being mayor as a “whirlwind.” There are webinars to watch, police reports to study, hands to shake, and nuggets of advice to glean from McMahon, now retired, whom Washington has stayed in touch with.

    There’s a lot to look forward to, as well. Media recently secured grants to purchase a new ambulance, enhance walkability within the borough, and improve Barrall Community Park. Washington hopes to bring in visitors to shop and dine at Media’s small businesses, continuing the borough’s ascent as a Delco destination. Washington rattled off a list of forthcoming events with excitement: Dining Under the Stars, the completion of Plum Street Park, and the Media Spring Arts Show.

    As for her personal life, Washington said she is trying to find balance as mayor, which is a part-time gig in Media. Washington is still working as a freelance illustrator and graphic designer. She is also a natural introvert learning to manage an increasingly busy social calendar.

    “I’m also glad that I have two cats to keep me sane. My husband’s very supportive. I think it’s really good to have a life outside of politics,” she said.

    This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.

  • A quarter-century-old zoning law threatens to block a restaurant and bar in Fishtown

    A quarter-century-old zoning law threatens to block a restaurant and bar in Fishtown

    A plan to revitalize a neglected building at 2043 Frankford Ave. with a ground-floor burger restaurant and second-floor cocktail bar is facing stiff opposition in Fishtown.

    Because of an over-25-year-old zoning overlay — which applies to the east side of Frankford Avenue and not the west side — the Slider Co.’s plans have been hung up for months awaiting a hearing from the city’s Zoning Board of Adjustment (ZBA).

    On Wednesday, the board ruled in the Slider Co.’s favor, but the saga has cost the business owners at least $40,000 and almost six months of waiting for a hearing.

    And that’s if opponents of the project don’t appeal the ZBA ruling to the Court of Common Pleas — adding at least another nine months and more legal costs to the project, probably killing it.

    “We were expecting to have a straightforward project, and then all of a sudden all hell breaks loose,” zoning attorney Alan Nochumson, who represents Slider Co.’s William Johnson and Anesha Garrett, said at a late January ZBA hearing.

    The principal opponent of the project is Ashley Gleason, who owns the clothing shop Vestige next door at 2041 Frankford Ave. She hired a zoning attorney to fight the case. At a Fishtown Neighbors Association (FNA) meeting last year, a narrow majority (36-30) voted to recommend that the zoning board deny the application.

    “Our block is not like the lower part of Frankford. It doesn’t have the bars and restaurants,” Gleason said at the ZBA hearing. “It is mostly residential and retail. So it [the proposal] is out of character for this block.”

    (function() {
    var l2 = function() {
    new pym.Parent(‘fishtownburger’,
    ‘https://media.inquirer.com/storage/inquirer/projects/innovation/arcgis_iframe/fishtownburger.html’);
    };
    if (typeof(pym) === ‘undefined’) {
    var h = document.getElementsByTagName(‘head’)[0],
    s = document.createElement(‘script’);
    s.type = ‘text/javascript’;
    s.src = ‘https://pym.nprapps.org/pym.v1.min.js’;
    s.onload = l2;
    h.appendChild(s);
    } else {
    l2();
    }
    })();

    The property at 2043 Frankford Ave. is a faded two-story building at the end of the row, and it’s been in rough shape for years.

    Unusually for a restaurant application, the case has stirred up allies in the community who submitted a petition in support of Johnson and Garrett, who already have a presence in the neighborhood.

    The former president of FNA, Ashlei Tracy, spoke in support of their application at the zoning board, noting bars and restaurants on the blocks of Frankford to the north and south of this one.

    “A constant complaint that we hear is that Fishtown is becoming very corporate,” Tracy said in an interview after the hearing. “A part of that is that it’s so expensive to even go through this [zoning] process.”

    The cases can also stir neighborhood tensions. January’s ZBA hearing on the matter saw lengthy testimony, weeping, and accusations of racial discrimination. Johnson and Garrett are Black, and Fishtown is an overwhelmingly white neighborhood.

    An interior rendering of the burger place planned by the Slider Co. The Coke machine is a hidden entrance to the upstairs speakeasy.

    The wrong side of the street

    The complexities of the Slider Co.’s attempt to open a new restaurant and bar in one of Philadelphia’s hottest culinary neighborhoods is an effect of a 1990s-era zoning law to address rowdy nightclubs along the Delaware River.

    The “North Delaware Avenue overlay district,” which covers much of Northern Liberties and Fishtown, bans entertainment businesses from the area it covers while requiring food and beverage businesses to secure approval from the ZBA to open.

    The overlay extends from the Delaware River to the east side of Frankford Avenue and from Lehigh Avenue down to Spring Garden Street.

    The law was largely successful in its initial aims, stemming the creation of new nightclubs in the area. The Delaware riverfront is now known for its surplus of rental apartments, not for rowdy nightlife.

    “Everyone agrees that the original purpose of the overlay no longer needs to be served,” said Matt Ruben, a longtime civic activist in Northern Liberties who has been involved with zoning and planning issues in the area — including negotiations around this overlay — for years.

    “Where there is disagreement, and shifting views within some neighborhoods, is on the more subtle question of whether there should be some kind of zoning to help regulate everyday operational nuisances and negative impacts that can come from them,” Ruben said. “Even from operators who are not bad actors at all.”

    Many overlays linger on for decades, long after the politicians who created them are retired because they empower neighborhood groups to stave off changes in their community.

    An interior rendering of the upstairs speakeasy proposed by Slider Co.

    In this case, Councilmember Mark Squilla, who represents the area, says he is open to rewriting or scaling back the overlay, but only if there is unanimity among neighborhood and business groups in Fishtown and Northern Liberties.

    Currently, the Fishtown Neighbors Association (FNA) is in favor of the zoning overlay, which it argues gives residents of Frankford Avenue and the surrounding blocks a say in the restaurant boom.

    The community group says new restaurants and bars have affected quality of life — such as when eateries implement late-night private trash collection that can wake up people who live nearby.

    “I have not seen any interest in our community to get rid of” the zoning overlay, said John Scott, president of FNA. “It’s not seen as a detriment. It’s seen as a way to mitigate some of the impact of the food establishments.”

    Johnson and Garrett fear the old zoning law has given opponents of their project a way to wage legal warfare against their proposal.

    “We have never previously faced opposition to opening a new restaurant,” said Johnson, who has opened numerous culinary businesses in Delaware and Philadelphia.

    “An appeal to the Court of Common Pleas would likely put the project in jeopardy due to the financial strain and delays it would impose on the property owner,” Johnson said.

    Gleason’s lawyer declined to comment, and the property owner, Jordan Claffey, did not respond to a request for comment.

    Staff writer Michael Klein contributed to this article.

  • Philadelphians are frustrated with the city’s snowstorm cleanup. What does that mean for Mayor Cherelle Parker?

    Philadelphians are frustrated with the city’s snowstorm cleanup. What does that mean for Mayor Cherelle Parker?

    Mayor Cherelle L. Parker often says she isn’t a fan of “Monday-morning quarterbacks” and “expert AOPs” — her shorthand for so-called articulators of problems who don’t offer solutions.

    Now she has a city full of them.

    After a heavy snowfall followed by a week of below-freezing temperatures, Philadelphia’s streets are still laden with snow, slush, and ice; SEPTA buses are packed; and numerous cars are still stuck in the spots residents left them in 11 days ago.

    The mayor acknowledged residents’ exasperation at a news conference at the Pelbano Recreation Center in Northeast Philadelphia on Wednesday, her first appearance dedicated to the city’s snow response since Jan. 26, the day after the storm walloped the region.

    “For anyone who is frustrated right now about the ice, about the ability for all of the streets to be fully cleared, I want you to know that I understand,” she said. “Everybody can Monday-morning quarterback. … That’s cool. We can’t stop people from feeling the way they feel. But let me tell you something: We were prepared.”

    Parker said the city deployed 1,000 workers and 800 pieces of snow-removal equipment to deal with the emergency.

    “We don’t promise to be perfect, Philadelphia,” she said. “We promise to go to war with the status quo and to fix things, to be doers. … We’re going to continue doing everything that we can to make sure all of this work is done.”

    A pedestrian walks past a large pile of snow and ice along the Benjamin Franklin Parkway days after a fierce winter storm dropped up to 9 inches of snow and sleet, with freezing temperatures leaving large banks of ice and snow on streets and sidewalks in Philadelphia, Monday, Feb. 2, 2026.

    Snowstorms are infamous for their ability to undermine constituents’ faith in their mayors. Over the years, they have been credited with ending political careers in Denver, New York, Chicago, and Seattle.

    The risk of political fallout could be heightened for Parker, who campaigned on a promise to upgrade city services. When Parker ceremonially dropped the puck at Tuesday night’s Flyers game, she was greeted with boos from many fans at Xfinity Mobile Arena.

    “Parker has pitched herself as the can-do mayor. ‘I’m not gonna deal with ideology. I’ve got principles, but I’m here to get the job done,’” said Randall M. Miller, a political historian and professor emeritus at St. Joseph’s University. “There’s that expectation you’re going to get this thing done.”

    Parker also faced questions about her administration’s commitment to delivering core services during the eight-day city workers strike last July, when “Parker piles” of trash mounted around Philadelphia in the hot summer sun. She escaped that ordeal relatively unscathed after winning what she called a “fiscally responsible” contract largely in line with her goals.

    But Miller said the mobility issues associated with snow removal have unique psychological effects for constituents.

    “You’re cold, you’re miserable, and you’re trapped. You’re looking around like, ‘Who is confining me?’” Miller said. “You get angry at the mayor because the mayor said, ‘I’m here to provide public services,’ and public service isn’t being provided.”

    Fred Scheuren shovels snow at 12th Street, near Waverly Street, in Center City, Philadelphia, Monday, Jan. 26, 2026.

    The circumstances of this year’s winter weather emergency could also give Parker some breathing room. Municipal leaders in Pittsburgh, New York, Washington, D.C., and Providence, R.I., are all feeling the heat amid the polar temperatures, thanks to an unusually persistent cold snap that has hampered snow-removal operations.

    A slight reprieve in the weather this week, with highs peaking above freezing Tuesday and Wednesday, could help the city’s cleanup efforts. But officials warned Wednesday that temperatures are forecast to fall again by the end of the week.

    “It’s not hyperbole to consider that we’re still under emergency conditions,” Dominick Mireles, who leads the Philadelphia Office of Emergency Management, said Wednesday.

    Lessons from past Philly storms

    By some measures, the city threw more resources at the latest storm than in the past, but got fewer returns.

    After the legendary blizzard of Jan. 7, 1996, then-Mayor Ed Rendell deployed more than 540 snowplows, dump trucks, and other vehicles to clear away the record 30.7 inches of snow that fell over two days, according to an Inquirer report from that year. Officials bragged at the time that the fleet eclipsed the 300 vehicles marshaled by former Mayor W. Wilson Goode Sr. for the last major blizzard, in 1987.

    Four days after the 1996 storm, the city said it hauled away 50,000 tons of snow, including truckloads famously dumped directly into the Delaware River and the Schuylkill. Officials also said that day that about 71% of roadways were passable, including around half of all side streets.

    In February 2003, the city got walloped with 19 inches of snow, followed by days of subfreezing temperatures. Four days after that storm, the city said it had cleared 75% to 80% of city streets.

    In 2016, Mayor Jim Kenney used 10,000 tons of salt and 1,600 city workers to clear away 22.5 inches of snow, clearing 92% of residential streets by day four — with a major assist from warmer temperatures a few days after the storm.

    The 800 pieces of snow-removal equipment Parker cited that were used in the most recent storm are far more than even in the blizzard of 1996. She also said the city brought in a snow-melting machine from Chicago, saying workers had melted about 4.7 million pounds of snow, while scattering 30,000 tons of salt.

    The result: More than a week after the end of the snowfall, about 85% of city streets had been “treated,” which includes salting, plowing, or both, according to the city.

    Heavy equipment clearing snow along S. Broad Street at Dickinson Street, Philadelphia, Tuesday, Feb. 3, 2026.

    But mobility nonetheless remains limited in much of the city, and officials pointed to the lingering icy conditions.

    The prolonged freeze is “not unheard of, but it is unusual, and that stresses and makes the potential for a lot of not-great things to happen,” Mireles said. “It’s affecting the snow-fighting operation.”

    An analysis of city plowing data shows that after the conclusion of the storm on Jan. 25, vehicles reached about 70% of city streets by the end of Monday. As the snow hardened, activity slowed by about a third on Jan. 27. Some parts of the city — including neighborhood-size chunks of South Philly — saw little plowing until five days after the storm or longer.

    The psychology of snow

    One reason voters punish mayors more harshly for failing to remove snow than for other problems is because of its omnipresence, from getting around the city to small talk about the weather, Miller said.

    Even trash-collection problems tend not to get under residents’ skin to the same degree because they don’t shut the city down, he said.

    “You are furious, and it’s day in, day out,” Miller said. “You’re constantly reminded.”

    Trisha Swed walks with her dog Alberta Einstein at North 30th Street and Girard Avenue in Brewerytown on Monday, Jan. 26, 2026 in Philadelphia. In Philadelphia, 9.3 inches of snow fell, the most in a decade.

    Parker has turned to private contractors to help with the snow-removal operation. And at Wednesday’s news conference, she touted the city’s efforts to deploy 300 “same-day pay and work” laborers earning $25 per hour to help manually clear streets and sidewalks.

    Those moves drew criticism Wednesday from the city’s largest union for municipal workers, District Council 33 of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Workers, which went on strike for higher wages last summer.

    “District Council 33 is deeply concerned by the City’s decision to bring in outside laborers for snow‐removal operations without any consultation or collaboration with our union,” DC 33 president Greg Boulware said in a statement. “Our members deserve better, and the residents of Philadelphia deserve a snow‐removal strategy rooted in safety, foresight, and respect for the workforce that keeps this city running.”

    Miller said those efforts show the city is doing everything it can to clear the city’s streets and sidewalks.

    “There’s been a great effort to try to deal with it, but Philadelphia is a very difficult place to manage in terms of snow because it’s got so many older streets,” he said.

    Man with shovel clearing snow from small park on Main Street in Manayunk on Monday, Jan. 26, 2026.

    But, he said, hearing about the city’s efforts is cold comfort to residents struggling to navigate their neighborhoods.

    “The major thoroughfares, they’ve done a pretty good job. But folks are concerned with their neighborhoods. They’re not concerned with if they go down to Fourth and Market,” he said. “Once you start to hear those kinds of complaints, it’s hard to contain it.”

    Parker said complaints will not deter her team. “Whenever we’ve been dealing with something challenging in government … there are some people who are expert articulators for problems,” she said.

    Her staff, she said, “is not a team of expert AOPs.”

    “This is a team of subject-matter experts who are doers and they are fixers, and we don’t cry,” she said. “Our job won’t be done until every street in the city of Philadelphia is walkable.”

    Staff writers Ximena Conde and Anna Orso contributed to this article.

  • Here’s who is funding Philly’s crowded race for Congress

    Here’s who is funding Philly’s crowded race for Congress

    The race to fill Philadelphia’s open congressional seat is the marquee election in the city this year, but with less than four months left until primary election day, it has yet to attract much money from political action committees or donors outside the region.

    Most of the campaign thus far has been funded by big checks from individual donors, and several of the top contenders to represent Pennsylvania’s 3rd Congressional District — the most Democratic in the nation — have raised most of their money from people who live in Pennsylvania.

    That’s according to an Inquirer analysis of recently filed campaign finance reports that break down contributions to each candidate between October and December.

    The filings, coupled with previous financial reports, provide a snapshot of who is contributing to each Democrat’s campaign heading into the election year, and how capable each contender is of powering their operations and advertising.

    While money is not the only factor in a political campaign, fundraising prowess can be used as a predictor of viability, and it can persuade other donors to contribute. Ten candidates announced they are running for the seat held by retiring U.S. Rep. Dwight Evans, but it’s likely that not all of them will make it onto the May 19 primary election ballot.

    Overall, the reports showed that State Sen. Sharif Street, the son of a former mayor, holds a financial advantage over the rest of the field.

    However, the two physicians in the contest, Ala Stanford and David Oxman, have each dedicated six-figure loans to their own campaigns, and progressive State Rep. Chris Rabb is expected to draw donations from left-leaning groups.

    Physician Ala Stanford (right) arrives at a forum hosted by the 9th Ward Democratic Committee Dec. 4, 2025. She is a Democratic candidate running to represent Philadelphia’s Third Congressional District.

    Interest from outside Philly will also likely rise as the primary election draws near.

    If national political figures weigh in on the race, they can lean on their vast networks of donors across the country to keep their preferred candidates’ campaigns afloat.

    And deep-pocketed special-interest groups with their eyes on influencing Congress may seek to sway the race in its final months.

    Not much PAC money — yet

    Under decades-old campaign finance law, corporations cannot give directly to candidates for federal office. But their executives, board members, and employees can fund PACs that are used as vehicles to prop up their supported candidates.

    As the role of money in politics has drawn scrutiny over the years, so has the reliance on so-called corporate PACs. That is especially true among some Democrats who see accepting money from them as a litmus test of their working-class bona fides.

    Rabb has hammered the issue in public forums and debates. He says he has never accepted corporate PAC money since his first run for office in 2015, and has repeatedly called on the other contenders to refuse corporate PAC funding.

    None of the candidates for the 3rd District has thus far leaned on corporate PAC money, according to the campaign finance reports.

    window.addEventListener(“message”,function(a){if(void 0!==a.data[“datawrapper-height”]){var e=document.querySelectorAll(“iframe”);for(var t in a.data[“datawrapper-height”])for(var r,i=0;r=e[i];i++)if(r.contentWindow===a.source){var d=a.data[“datawrapper-height”][t]+”px”;r.style.height=d}}});

    However, PACs associated with labor unions have gotten involved.

    Street raised about $40,000 in the last period from PACs associated with labor groups. He is backed by the deep-pocketed Philadelphia Building and Construction Trades Council, an umbrella organization of unions that endorsed him last fall.

    In the past, the trades have also funded super PACs, outside spending groups that can raise unlimited amounts of money but must follow strict rules largely barring them from coordinating directly with the campaigns they support.

    In 2023, the building trades funded a super PAC that supported Cherelle L. Parker’s successful run for mayor. And in 2018, Local 98 of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, the most cash-flush building trades union in the state, funded a super PAC to support unsuccessful congressional candidate Rich Lazer.

    Ryan Boyer, head of the Philadelphia Building & Construction Trades Council, was one of the first to speak at Cherelle Parker’s election night party at the Sheet Metal Workers Local 19 on Nov. 7, 2023.

    But no such super PAC has materialized so far, according to campaign finance reports. Rather, the bigger financial factor in this race — at least through the end of last year — was candidates lending money to their own campaigns. Stanford put up $250,000 on Dec. 31, the last day of the reporting period. And Oxman has lent his campaign $175,000.

    Small vs. big-dollar donors

    While the candidates relied largely on donations from individuals, the size of the checks they brought in varied. Under campaign finance limits, individuals can give up to $3,500 to a candidate per election.

    The average contribution to State Rep. Morgan Cephas since she announced her campaign was $596 — about half of Street’s and Rabb’s average contributions. Individual donors gave the most to Stanford, on average, with the average contribution to her campaign totaling $1,737.

    That analysis includes only donors who contributed more than $200 through the course of the year. Campaigns are required to itemize only contributions above that threshold.

    State Rep. Chris Rabb at a forum hosted by the 9th Ward Democratic Committee Dec. 4, 2025. He is a Democratic candidate running to represent Philadelphia’s Third Congressional District.

    Small donations, or contributions under $200, have made up a tiny fraction of the money brought in by the top contenders so far, according to the latest filings. About 11.5% of the money Rabb raised was from small-dollar donors. Such contributions made up less than 5% of all funding for Stanford, Oxman, and Street.

    The one outlier was Pablo Iván McConnie-Saad, an ex-Treasury Department official under former President Joe Biden. His campaign has been somewhat low-profile so far; however, small-dollar contributions made up a quarter of his total of $119,000 raised.

    His campaign said in a statement that the filings are evidence that his run is “entirely people powered.”

    Stanford’s campaign manager, Janée Taft-Mack, noted that the pediatric surgeon has been campaigning for a shorter amount of time than several of her opponents. She announced her campaign in October, several months after Street and Rabb.

    Taft-Mack added that the range of donors “underscores a coalition that crosses income levels, neighborhoods, and communities.”

    Where the money came from

    While every candidate vying for Evans’ seat has touted grassroots support, it appears that Cephas and Street raised the most money from donors who live in Philadelphia.

    About half of the individual donors who gave more than $200 to Street and Cephas are city residents. Both candidates have also raised the most money from donors living in Pennsylvania.

    window.addEventListener(“message”,function(a){if(void 0!==a.data[“datawrapper-height”]){var e=document.querySelectorAll(“iframe”);for(var t in a.data[“datawrapper-height”])for(var r,i=0;r=e[i];i++)if(r.contentWindow===a.source){var d=a.data[“datawrapper-height”][t]+”px”;r.style.height=d}}});

    Street, who formerly led the state Democratic Party and has connections to donors across Pennsylvania, raised 81% of his individual contributions, or about $488,000, from in-state residents. For Cephas, the share was 78%, or about $162,000.

    Anthony Campisi, a spokesperson for Street, said the latest finance report “highlights the entire point of our campaign.”

    “Sharif is running to represent Philadelphians from across an incredibly diverse district,” he said, “and is building the coalition needed to both win and effectively serve in Congress.”

    Cephas’ campaign manager, Salvatore Colleluori, said her fundraising within the city shows she has a “broad base of support, especially in Philadelphia.”

    “She has been a champion for Philadelphia in the state House, and people know that,” he said. “They want to support that work.”

    Rabb, a progressive who has support from left-leaning organizations and activists outside the region, had among the lowest share of contributions from Philly-based donors, according to The Inquirer’s analysis.

    He said in a statement that when small-dollar donations are accounted for, he believes he will have “more Philly donations than any of the establishment candidates.”

    Rabb said he will soon be rolling out endorsements from progressive organizations “that will significantly grow our donor base.”

    Staff writer Sean Collins Walsh contributed to this article.