Just days before the release of Mayor Cherelle L. Parker’s city budget, it is unclear whether it will include money to continue Zero Fare, a program that gives free transit passes to low-income Philadelphians.
Transit advocates and political leaders say they have not heard from the administration on the issue and are concerned it may be cut or have its funding reduced.
A rally is scheduled for 10 a.m. Friday on the north apron of City Hall to push for Zero Fare’s survival — and for city government to continue participating in SEPTA’s Key Advantage, which provides free transit passes for municipal workers.
Parker is scheduled to deliver her annual budget address next Thursday to a session of City Council.
A spokesperson for the administration declined to comment.
“We don’t care who gets the credit,” said Stephen Bronskill, coalition manager for Transit Forward Philadelphia, a nonprofit that advocates for public transportation that is organizing the event. “We want to see that this program gets funded … so people can get where they need to go.”
City Council members, state lawmakers, activists for transit funding and service, and users of the Zero Fare passes are expected to speak Friday.
Zero Fare, which serves about 60,000 eligible people with incomes at or below 150% of the federal poverty standard, would end June 30 unless the fiscal 2026-27 budget funds it.
Officials also must decide whether to fund Key Advantage benefits for city workers, though SEPTA’s program provides subsidized passes free to the employees of nonprofit organizations and private businesses.
Deja vu?
Both programs have faced city budget uncertainty in the past.
City officials said they had begun meeting with SEPTA to find a funding solution to continue both programs before the uproar. The administration also continued Key Advantage last year.
“From our standpoint, they’ve both worked well, and we’d like to see them continue,” SEPTA spokesperson Andrew Busch said Thursday.
A path forward
Zero Fare began as a pilot, started by Kenney using $30 million of federal COVID relief money to get it off the ground. The program was nationally recognized because it proactively sent transit fare cards to Philadelphians eligible for the benefit.
Automatic enrollment eliminated the red tape “time tax” for people who wanted to use the benefit, making it unusual on the local level, according to public policy analysts.
“It can’t be yanked away at a moment’s notice when somebody wants to shift something around in the budget,” O’Rourke said last November at a community meeting on the proposal.
This story has been updated to remove an outdated figure for the number of participants in Zero Fare.
City Council on Thursday formally honored a Philadelphia-born Palestinian American who was killed last month by Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank.
In a unanimous voice vote, Philadelphia lawmakers passed a resolution to celebrate the life of 19-year-old Nasrallah Abu Siyam, who was fatally shot during a violent clash in a village on Feb. 18, the beginning of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.
Members of Abu Siyam’s family appeared in Council chambers Thursday alongside representatives from the Council on American-Islamic Relations, who called for an independent U.S.-led investigation into the killing.
“You don’t know what it means to live under occupation. You don’t know what these settlers are doing,” said Abdelhamid Siyam, Nasrallah Abu Siyam’s uncle. “When justice is attacked, silence is treason. … We should stand together and pressure all those elected officials to stand with justice.”
City Councilmember Rue Landau, a Democrat who authored the honorary resolution in partnership with Councilmember Nicolas O’Rourke, said Thursday that other members of Abu Siyam’s family are trapped in the Middle East after flying there after his death.
They are unable to travel home, she said, due to the ongoing war in Iran and restrictions on airspace.
Landau also called on the U.S. State Department and the Department of Justice to “conduct a full investigation and pursue justice for Nasrallah.”
“We demand accountability so that no other family here or abroad has to stand where this family stands now,” she said during a later event alongside Abu Siyam’s family.
Thirty U.S. senators signed a letter to President Donald Trump’s administration Thursday calling for an independent investigation into Abu Siyam’s killing. Pennsylvania’s two senators, Republican Dave McCormick and Democrat John Fetterman, did not sign it.
Here’s what else happened in Council on Thursday.
What was the highlight?
Prioritizing transit-oriented development: Mayor Cherelle L. Parker’s administration is pushing Council to approve a package of legislation that makes it easier to build apartment buildings near SEPTA stations, measures that proponents see as a way to boost ridership and increase the city’s housing stock.
Parker transmitted a package of zoning bills to Council on Thursday, but no member formally introduced it. Members said they saw the legislation for the first time on Wednesday and want more time to review it before introduction.
Mayor Cherelle Parker (center) rides the SEPTA Market-Frankford Line to an event in the Kensington section of Philadelphia, Pa. on Thursday, April 11, 2024.
The bills are aimed at advancing Parker’s goal to build, preserve, and repair 30,000 housing units.
Most crucially, one bill expands an existing law that says properties within 500 feet of a Council-designated SEPTA station can receive benefits allowing developers to build more homes. Parker’s legislation increases the radius to 1,320 feet, or a quarter of a mile.
What else happened?
Smoke-filled doom: Lawmakers continued their crusade against smoke shops and so-called nuisance businesses Thursday, with Councilmember Katherine Gilmore Richardson bringing legislation to hold commercial landlords accountable for renting to illegal smoke shops.
This file photo shows a city smoke shop exterior on the 1000 block of Chestnut Street in July. City Council has advanced several pieces of legislation aimed at curbing smoke shops.
Gilmore Richardson introduced a second bill to establish a new license requirement for stores selling products like hemp-based THC and kratom. The ordinance would define the products as “intoxicating substances” and establish a 21-plus age minimum.
What’s next?
Block off your calendar: Next week will be a busy one. Parker is scheduled to deliver her annual budget address to Council on Thursday, when she will outline her vision for the coming year.
The speech will kick off weeks of hearings before Council, when members will have the opportunity to question administration officials from every major department, as well as the leaders of other agencies that receive city dollars, including the city courts, the district attorney, and the Philadelphia School District.
Quote of the week
Philadelphia City Council President Kenyatta Johnson questioning Dr. Tony Watlington, Superintendent of School District of Philadelphia, during a hearing with board members of School District of Philadelphia, Tuesday, Feb. 17, 2026.
A little school district shade: That was Council President Kenyatta Johnson chiming in on an effort to rename a North Philadelphia street after the late Constance E. Clayton, Philadelphia’s first Black and female schools superintendent.
Mayor Cherelle L. Parker’s administration sent City Council a bill on Thursday to encourage more apartment construction around SEPTA stations, in hopes of boosting ridership.
The proposal expands an existing law. Currently, if a SEPTA station is made a “transit-oriented development” district — a designation City Council must adopt — then most properties within a 500-foot radius receive a variety of benefits that allows developers to build more housing with less parking than otherwise allowed.
The legislation sent to Council by the Parker administration would expand that radius to 1,320 feet, or a quarter of a mile.
“Zoning is how we turn housing ambition into housing reality,” said Angela D. Brooks, chief housing and urban development officer. “These bills help us put more homes where our infrastructure can support them, near transit, near jobs, and near opportunity, while respecting the character of the neighborhoods Philadelphians already love.”
The hope is that SEPTA will benefit from a ridership boost if more housing is built close to transit, and more people will be able to afford to live near public transportation — which, in some areas, is in more expensive and sought-after neighborhoods.
The zoning overlay grants different types of development benefits depending on the existing zoning around transit stations.
In a bid to avoid controversies that have undermined similar laws in other cities, land zoned for single-family housing would not be given any development advantage under the law.
But properties already zoned for dense housing would be allowed to build many more units, with additional benefits given if they provide affordable housing or environmentally friendly design.
“This package will also increase ridership, reduce costly trips to the [zoning board], and allow more investment in transit stations,” Brooks said. “Zoning may sound technical to some, but investments in transit are something residents can see, touch, and feel every day.”
Projects that have benefited from the existing transit-oriented development overlay include The Noble, with 360 units, near the Spring Garden stop on the Market-Frankford Line, and a proposal for a 134-unit mixed-income development at the Frankford Transportation Center.
Land zoned for more modest density would be allowed to build 50% more units. That means if developers could build four units under normal conditions, in a transit-oriented development district, they could build six.
The overlay requires that the ground floor of commercially zoned buildings have active uses. Curb cuts, parking garages, and one-story buildings are not allowed.
Parker’s bill further eases some parking requirements, although the requirement for developers building in such areas is already less than under normal zoning rules.
The bill was circulated to City Council on Wednesday. Members wanted more time to review it before it was formally introduced.
“In general, I’ve been a proponent of the basic concept of increasing density around our transit stops,” said Councilmember Jamie Gauthier, who chairs City Council’s housing committee.
“It makes our neighborhoods more lively, more livable,” Gauthier said. “We have a great transit system, and we should be trying to help it be as successful as possible.”
Because City Council must pass legislation to include transit stations in the zoning overlay, district Council members are given effective control over how many stations will be included in the law’s benefits.
Both the Broad Street and Market-Frankford Lines run between Council districts, which means half of many stations are under one Council member’s purview while the other half are in another’s control.
Transit advocates have long hoped for legislation that would automatically apply to all major transit stations, but that idea could prove difficult to get through City Council.
Gauthier is one of the few Council members who have embraced transit-oriented development. All of the Market-Frankford Line stations in her district are covered by the overlay.
No stations on the Broad Street Line are included so far.
“I don’t want to speak about areas of the city that are not mine,” Gauthier said. But in her transit-rich West Philadelphia district, “I do think we can consider expanding that radius more. We know that less people are driving nowadays.”
City Councilmember Jamie Gauthier is one of the most enthusiastic proponents of transit-oriented development on City Council.
The urbanist advocacy group 5th Square says that Parker’s bill should be broader.
The group called for the elimination of parking minimums near transit, an even larger coverage radius, and for multifamily housing to be allowed on land zoned for single-family homes near stations.
“These bills are a welcome step toward more housing near transit, but their scope doesn’t quite address our massive housing shortage,” said Fae Ehsan, board member with 5th Square Advocacy.
The other housing-related billParker sent to Council includes legislation that would make it easier to build more apartments above commercial buildings on the ends of some rowhouse blocks, which are currently allowed to have only one unit above ground-floor retail.
The bill would allow owners to convert the ground floor to residential uses if they cannot fill the storefront. The administration believes 7,000 to 12,000 more housing units could be allowed under the change.
The first time Philly hosted a major presidential nominating convention was in 1848, when the Whig Party, meeting in Sansom Street’s long-gone Chinese Museum building, nominated Zachary Taylor, who went on to win the White House.
The 10th and most recent time, Democrats in 2016 made Hillary Rodham Clinton the first woman to be nominated for president by a major party.
Mayor Cherelle L. Parker and other local leaders are hoping to make more history by landing Philly’s 11th convention in 2028. And part of the appeal is the promise of a boost to the local economy as thousands of conventiongoers buy up hotel rooms, spend money at restaurants, and visit the city’s attractions.
Philadelphia “would see substantial economic benefits,” Gov. Josh Shapiro recently wrote to the Democratic National Committee, which this week named the city as one of five finalists to host the party’s next convention, alongside Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, and Denver.
But how much do cities really benefit from hosting political conventions? Here’s what you need to know about what Philly stands to gain from hosting another DNC.
Conventions’ economic impact debatable
Tourism bureaus and convention planners often make lofty claims about the economic benefits of major events like political conventions.
Visit Philly, for instance, in 2016 commissioned the consulting firm Tourism Economics to examine that year’s DNC, and the firm found the event brought 54,300 visitors to the region and provided a $230.9 million injection into the local economy.
But economists who have studied conventions are skeptical of such claims. A 2018 study of both parties’ conventions in 2008 and 2012 found that “political conventions do not seem to have the large economic impact that is usually suggested by traditional economic impact studies.”
Officials at the time often claimed economic impacts north of $150 million for conventions. But estimates that high rely on unrealistic assumptions about how much money conventiongoers spend each day, according to the study, which was published in the journal Papers in Regional Science.
“Cities and states often tout mega events as vehicles for economic growth,” economists Lauren R. Heller, Victor A. Matheson, and E. Frank Stephenson wrote in the paper. “Hosting national political conventions generates a large inflow of overnight visitors and increases hotel revenue. However, the cumulative effect of approximately 29,000 additional room nights of lodging services and $20 million of hotel revenue imply that traditional economic impact estimates may be unrealistically large.”
Hotels are big winners
Although conventions’ overall economic impact is debatable, there is little disagreement about their benefits to one industry in particular: hotels.
“I’ve seen a lot of different large events come through [over] the years, and the DNC was one that definitely delivered,” said Ed Grose, president and CEO of the Greater Philadelphia Hotel Association. “I can think of a few of examples of hotels making their annual budget based on the DNC alone.”
Grose said the benefits are widespread in the lodging industry when a convention rolls into town.
“It’s not just Center City hotels, but the airport area, the suburban hotels — everyone benefits from the DNC,” Grose said. “It’s especially good for our frontline team members; it’s good for our restaurants; it’s good for our bars. It is an event that delivers a huge economic hype.”
Minimal tradeoffs
Debates over economic impact are often centered on situations in which officials must weigh tradeoffs, such as whether to provide tax breaks to businesses promising new jobs.
For cities, political conventions are a different story. While hosting another DNC would likely require taxpayer resources from the state and federal governments, there would be little downside for Parker and the city budget.
Conventions are funded primarily through private contributions. In 2016, the DNC host committee raised about $85 million — $10 million of which came from taxpayers in the form of a state grant.
Much of the cost incurred by local governments related to security is reimbursed by the federal government. Congress has appropriated grant funding for presidential nominating convention host cities since 9/11.
In 2024, the localities hosting both the DNC and the Republican National Convention were each eligible to receive about $75 million in reimbursements.
Beyond dollars and cents
For some, the value proposition of a convention coming to town is as much about getting attention as it is boosting the economy. The 2016 DNC drew roughly 19,000 media members from around the world, according to the Philadelphia Convention and Visitors Bureau.
Labor leader Ryan Boyer, who heads the Philadelphia Building and Construction Trades Council and is a close Parker ally, said conventions like the DNC that bring major donors and corporations to town have the potential to result in “longitudinal jobs,” meaning they could lay the groundwork for future investments by potential employers.
He said a convention is an opportunity to showcase spots of the city ripe for investment — such as the Navy Yard, the industrial hub known as the Bellwether District, and the life sciences corridor in University City — to corporate figures who might not otherwise travel here.
“It’s a chance to show off Philadelphia,” Boyer said. “We’re a good business proposition.”
Grose said there were indirect, long-term impacts from hosting conventions.
“We get a lot of exposure from being on TV for a week. There’s a lot of things that happen during the DNC that we can’t buy,” he said. ”It’s great to see we are back in the mix after a relatively short time since hosting the DNC. That just shows what a great job we did as a city.”
David L. Cohen, the longtime Democratic fundraiser who is leading the recently formed host committee called Pick Pennsylvania, noted another reason revisiting Philadelphia could be an appealing pick for Democrats: It allows the party to dominate the biggest media market in a critical swing state.
“You own the media market for the week that you’re there,” said Cohen, a former Comcast executive who served as U.S. ambassador to Canada under former President Joe Biden. “The party couldn’t afford to pay for the positive advertising the party would get for holding its convention in Philadelphia.”
Mayor Cherelle L. Parker this week appointed former prosecutor Tito Valdes as Philadelphia’s new director of LGBTQ+ affairs.
Valdes, who graduated from Pennsylvania State University Dickinson Law, has extensive experience working on legal issues concerning youth. He previously worked as a city attorney representing the Philadelphia Department of Human Services in child welfare cases. And he is well-known for his work as a Philadelphia assistant district attorney in the family violence and sexual assault unit.
Valdes said one of his top priorities in his new role will be working with DHS to that ensure LGBTQ+ youth receive proper care in the city’s foster system.
“I am envisioning a particular focus on LGBTQ youth and care, and just ensuring that that particular population, which is in the system oftentimes because of who they are, receive services that are culturally competent,” Valdes said in an interview.
Valdes is the third person to hold the job under Parker’s administration, which began in January 2024. The previous two both left the city under unusual circumstances, and Valdes said he hopes to restore stability to the office.
“The community generally deserves and needs stability and just a sense of consistency,” he said.
Valdes assumes the role at a sensitive time for the city’s work on equality and civil rights issues. Progressives and advocates for marginalized populations have called on Parker to take a more aggressive stance against President Donald Trump’s attacks on immigrants, the LGBTQ+ community, and other groups.
But Parker has for the most part avoided direct confrontation with Trump in a strategy to prevent Philadelphia from being targeted by his administration. (One notable exception is the city’s lawsuit to preserve exhibits on slavery at Independence National Historical Park.)
“My approach will be to loudly proclaim what I believe the Parker administration does proclaim, which is that everybody deserves to be treated fairly, that we’re committed to this work,” Valdes said.
The Philadelphia Gay News first reported Parker’s appointment of Valdes, who has served on the board of the William Way LGBT Community Center and on the Governor’s Advisory Commission on LGBTQ Affairs under former Democratic Gov. Tom Wolf.
Valdes has won the Prosecutor of the Year award from the Philadelphia Coalition for Victim Advocacy and the Team Excellence Award from the Philadelphia Children’s Alliance, according to the mayor’s office. He most recently worked at the personal injury law firm Anapol Weiss.
“Tito brings years of legal experience and proven intergovernmental, collaborative leadership to this role,” Parker said in a statement. “His leadership will help ensure that LGBTQ+ Philadelphians experience a city government that is responsive, accountable, and fully committed to their safety and opportunity.”
The Philadelphia Office of LGBTQ+ Affairs works to “strengthen protections, expand opportunity, and improve service delivery for LGBTQ+ residents across Philadelphia,” according to the city.
Valdes’ most recent predecessor, Tyrell Brown, was fired last year after receiving a seminude photograph from another high-ranking city employee, then-deputy chief of staff Chris Dailey, while using a cruising app.
Inspector General Alex DeSantis said he recommended Parker fire Brown and Brandee Anderson — who was the city’s chief diversity, equity, and inclusion officer — after an investigation by his office found they acted “highly unprofessionally” while discussing the photograph in the workplace.
Anderson has publicly pushed back on the city’s account, denying that she and Brown mishandled the incident and saying the administration targeted her for pushing the city to be more aggressive on DEI issues.
Brown has not commented on the incident. But they said in a statement that they were “incredibly excited and proud of Tito’s appointment.”
“This moment is about celebrating his leadership and standing behind him as he steps into this role, something I am honored and proud to do,” Brown said.
Morrison-McLean made national headlines in March 2024, two months after Parker took office, when she and her husband were arrested after a state trooper pulled her over on I-76 for multiple violations. During the traffic stop, Morrison-McLean recorded a cell phone video of a confrontation between the trooper and her husband, who had been following her in a separate vehicle and was also pulled over. The video went viral, but it answered few questions about the circumstances that led to the confrontation.
It was at the end of last year in the hazy stretch between Christmas and New Year’s when time doesn’t feel real, and some of Philly’s top Democrats were huddled around a secret proposal, racing to meet a deadline.
The group — convened by Mayor Cherelle L. Parker, her aides, and some key Philadelphia boosters — was preparing a lengthy bid to bring the Democratic National Convention back to the city in either 2028 or 2032, a potential economic boon and a chance to show off in front of lawmakers, celebrities, and international media.
The confidential proposal to the Democratic National Committee included everything from the city’s hotel space to police outfitting to nitty-gritty details about the electrical grid and voltage capacity at Xfinity Mobile Arena. SEPTA officials drafted a section about the public transportation Philadelphia could offer visitors, and tourism agencies chipped in with insights on hotels and restaurants.
David L. Cohen, a longtime Democratic fundraiser and the president of the recently formed nonprofit host committee called Pick Pennsylvania, said that while the mayor led the effort, the bid also emphasized the “unity of the region and the commonwealth.”
“She wanted it to be really clear this is more than a Philadelphia bid,” he said. “This is a unified Pennsylvania bid.”
It appears the Democratic National Committee was impressed. On Monday, the DNC announced that it is considering five cities, including Philadelphia, to host the 2028 convention, where a Democratic presidential nominee will be coronated. The party is also looking closely at Atlanta, Denver, Chicago, and Boston to hold the early August event.
What comes next is a campaign to lure the convention to Philly, complete with a carefully coordinated public relations effort and a significant fundraising push. Philadelphia’s host committee for 2016, the last time the city held a presidential nominating convention, raised more than $85 million.
The DNC has asked host cities to raise $5 million before being selected. Philly’s fundraising, Cohen said, “will be substantially higher than that number.”
In this 2021 file photo, David L. Cohen speaks as Philadelphia Soccer 2026, the city’s World Cup 2026 bid committee, launched an interactive exhibit at the Independence Visitors Center in Philadelphia. He is now heading an effort to bring the Democratic National Convention to Philadelphia.
Cohen, a former Comcast executive and erstwhile chief of staff to former mayor Ed Rendell, is leading the effort alongside Daniel J. Hilferty, now the CEO of Comcast Spectacor.
Hilferty and Cohen have worked together repeatedly over the last two decades to bring major events to Philadelphia, including a successful bid to become one of a handful of North American cities to host World Cup games this year.
Also involved in coordinating the DNC proposal was Erin Wilson, a Philadelphia native who was a top aide to former Vice President Kamala Harris. She was the national political director for former President Joe Biden’s campaign and planned his 2021 inauguration.
When the DNC comes to town
DNC officials are expected to make a final decision on the 2028 site later this year. That call will likely be made by chair Ken Martin in consultation with top advisers and the committee’s Technical Advisory Group, which assesses logistics and operational matters.
Philadelphia could also have an advocate in State Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta, who represents parts of North Philadelphia and is a DNC vice chair. He is known to have a close relationship with Martin.
Committee officials and the advisory group will tour each of the five finalist cities for a yet-to-be-scheduled site visit this spring.
If history is any indication, the city will roll out the red carpet. In 2014, when 18 members of the DNC came to Philly to check out the city ahead of the 2016 convention, the host committee spent six figures to charm them.
The trip included a tour of Philly’s most popular sites, like Reading Terminal Market and the Philadelphia Museum of Art, as well as a swanky rooftop party and a breakfast at the Comcast Center. Predictably, cheesesteaks were also involved.
“The site visits are as much about feel as they are about technical details,” Cohen said. “After site visits, the teams who are making choices leave here and they have their socks knocked off. They can’t believe how vibrant the city is.”
In this 2014 file photo, Congressman Bob Brady, left, talks with DNC CEO Amy Dacey, center, as they have lunch at Pat’s Steaks in South Philadelphia.
Ryan Boyer, the head of the Philadelphia Building and Construction Trades Council and a close Parker ally, said one of Philadelphia’s best assets might be its mayor. Parker is an unabashed cheerleader for the city and is leading preparations for several major events this year, including World Cup games, the MLB All-Star Game, and the commemoration of America’s 250th anniversary.
“She’s the most effective advocate for bringing people together,” Boyer said, “with just her level of passion, her love of the city, and her love of the job.”
Cohen said he spoke to Parker last year about the potential to bid for the convention, and when she asked him to lead the host committee, he said yes because the city has “a serious chance.”
“As a friend and longtime supporter of hers, if I didn’t think we had a legitimate shot, I would try to talk her out of it,” Cohen said. “If anything, I have poured gasoline on her flames of enthusiasm and said, ‘We should be all in for this.’
”I said, ‘Do what you do best,’” he added. “Get everyone excited about this.’”
That means there is a chance that Shapiro, who was raised in Montgomery County and whose family still lives there, could be nominated in what is essentially his hometown.
Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro speaks during the Democratic National Convention Aug. 21, 2024, in Chicago.
In a letter to Martin, Shapiro wrote that Philadelphia “would see substantial economic benefits” from hosting the convention and vowed that the state would be “prepared to ensure our infrastructure, public safety agencies, workforce, and business community are equipped to host thousands of delegates and attendees.”
What’s next: a close look at security and logistics
Behind the pomp of the DNC’s spring site visit will be a serious evaluation of security, transportation, hotels, and arena logistics.
The DNC said in a statement Monday that it will value “new and innovative approaches” to hosting a large-scale event that is likely to bring thousands of tourists. In 2016, the convention drew more than 5,000 attendees and an additional 29,000 visitors — nearly 20,000 of whom were media members.
Nominating conventions are typically designated as National Special Security Events, meaning the federal government leads security because the event is deemed at high risk for terrorism or other criminal activity. That means planners need to know specifics about law enforcement staffing, gear, and other capabilities.
Placards promoting Philadelphia as the host city of the Democratic National Convention in 2016, while the Democratic National Committee was touring the city in August.
Support will also have to come from outside the city. During past conventions, federal law enforcement teamed up with Philadelphia police to secure the venue, and they were joined by officers from across the region.
The DNC also said in its announcement Monday that the committee would prioritize “the importance of forging a strong partnership between the DNC and the host city, including its community, political, and business leaders.”
To that end, the host committee and Parker asked elected officials and civic leaders from across the state to write letters of support that accompanied the city’s bid.
Authors ranged from City Council President Kenyatta Johnson, whose district includes the South Philadelphia stadium complex, to labor leaders to Democrats from the Philadelphia collar counties.
Montgomery County Commissioner Neil Makhija, who wrote a letter to the DNC boosting the bid, said it is important for the committee to see that local governments and law enforcement agencies outside the city are willing to offer support, because “pulling something like this off requires a lot of cooperation on many different fronts.”
“A real concern now when you’re thinking about hosting a political convention is ‘How are we going to manage public safety and a threat environment?’” he said. “There are a number of reasons to point to our region and see a level of collaboration that inspires confidence.”
Philadelphia is one of five cities on a list of finalists to host the 2028 Democratic National Convention, a major gathering that could generate millions of dollars in economic impact for the city.
Party officials are also considering Boston, Atlanta, Chicago, and Denver, the Democratic National Committee announced Monday.
The convention will be held from Aug. 7 to Aug. 10, 2028, according to the party. If Philadelphia is selected, the convention would likely be held at the Xfinity Mobile Arena at the South Philly stadium complex, the largest indoor event space in the city.
DNC leaders and advisers are expected to make site visits this spring before selecting a host.
The DNC said in its statement that, in picking a host city, party leaders will consider how each city uses “new and innovative approaches in response to the challenges and opportunities that arise from hosting an event of this magnitude.”
The Republican Party’s 2028 convention will take place in Houston.
Top Philadelphia Democrats and donors formed a host committee — called Pick Pennsylvania — in recent months and, in partnership with Democratic Mayor Cherelle L. Parker, submitted a bid to host the 2028 convention.
In a statement, Parker said that Philadelphia’s selection as a finalist “reflects the strength of its proposal and the broad coalition of civic, business, labor, and community leaders committed to hosting a convention that is inclusive and memorable.”
Parker, who is up for reelection next year, would no doubt play a major role in planning for an upcoming convention. So would Gov. Josh Shapiro, a Democrat currently running for reelection who is considered a contender for the 2028 presidential nomination.
The president of the Philadelphia host committee is David L. Cohen, a prominent party stalwart, and the chair is Daniel J. Hilferty, the CEO of Comcast Spectacor, which owns the Xfinity Mobile Arena.
He said in a statement that “there is no city more excited, more invested and more prepared than Philadelphia to host the 2028 Democratic National Convention.”
Philadelphia — the largest city in a critical swing state — last hosted a presidential nominating convention in 2016 at the South Philly arena, then called the Wells Fargo Center. Democrats that year nominated former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who was later defeated by Republican Donald Trump.
Before 2016, the city hosted major party conventions seven times, including the 2000 Republican National Convention. The GOP that year nominated then-Texas Gov. George W. Bush, who went on to serve two terms in the White House.
Former U.S. Rep. Bob Brady, the chair of the Philadelphia Democratic City Committee, said Monday that he had spoken multiple times to DNC leaders about the prospect of the city hosting the 2028 convention.
“We got a great reputation from the last convention we had,” Brady said. “Plus we’re going to show off the city very well this summer, which will really give us a good look.”
The news that Philadelphia is again a finalist to host the DNC is a welcome development for the city’s tourism and hospitality industry, as party conventions draw thousands of visitors and can be a boon for spending in the city.
The 2016 event generated $230.9 million in economic impact, according to the Philadelphia Convention and Visitors Bureau. Of that, about $132.9 million came from direct convention-related spending, and $11.1 million was generated by state and local taxes. That convention attracted more than 5,000 attendees and some 29,000 other visitors, leading to a record-breaking year for hotels in Center City, the bureau reported.
In this July 28, 2016 file photo, then-Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton walks on stage at the arena in South Philly to accept the nomination of her party on the final night of the DNC.
If selected, Philadelphia may be uniquely positioned to host an influx of visitors.
The city’s hotel supply has expanded since the last time it hosted a DNC — and there are more than 19,000 hotel rooms in the city, according to Visit Philadelphia. That’s an increase from about 16,000 available in 2016.
The city has also invested millions of dollars on improvements to public spaces, transit hubs, and security ahead of several major events this year, including World Cup games, the MLB All-Star Game, and the commemoration of the 250th anniversary of America.
Conventions are also major logistical undertakings. Attendees include high-profile politicians and celebrities, and protests often form outside the events. The federal government has over the last two decades designated both parties’ nominating conventions as National Special Security Events, meaning they are deemed at high risk for terrorism and require federally led security.
In Chicago in 2024, the U.S. Secret Service led security planning alongside 16 other public safety entities, according to a local NBC affiliate. The law enforcement and security plan included designated protest zones, airspace monitoring, and traffic control.
Host committees are also responsible for raising millions of dollars to pay for parties, transportation for delegates, construction and venue upgrades, as well as other logistical services such as consultants, accountants, and communications staff.
In 2016, the Philadelphia host committee raised about $85 million — $10 million of which came from taxpayers in the form of a state grant. Other top contributions came from corporations, unions, and wealthy individual donors.
Superintendent Tony B. Watlington Sr. and the Philadelphia School District have proposed 18 school closures, six colocations, and a vague, insufficiently transparent plan to reconfigure grade levels across numerous other schools, citing the need for “more efficient use of all of our resources” to deliver high-quality academic and extracurricular programming districtwide.
The Inquirer Editorial Board has endorsed the plan, pending adjustments to several sites, including Lankenau Environmental Science Magnet High School.
The district is right to pursue a comprehensive facilities plan that addresses toxic building conditions, overcrowding, and underutilization. But it is going about it the wrong way. Facilities planning should be an annual, longitudinal process grounded in sustained community engagement, not a punctuated moment of 24 mass closures that disrupt neighborhoods and sidestep the thoughtful incorporation of public input that only time and intention can provide.
Mistakes of 2013
Without such care, the district will repeat the mistakes of the 2013 closures, which led to students disappearing from school rolls in September, overcrowded receiving schools, and the racialized erasure of neighborhood histories and place-based educational traditions.
First, significant questions remain about implementation and transparency. Ten properties are slated to be “conveyed” to the city, reportedly tied to Mayor Cherelle L. Parker’s H.O.M.E. plan. Amid speculation about a 20-year tax abatement connected to redevelopment, it is unclear what mechanisms will ensure the benefits of these transfers accrue to the communities that have borne the brunt of closure, rather than to private developers. A two-decade tax abatement would symbolically and materially reinscribe the racialized disinvestment, neglect, and manufactured crisis that have too often paved the way for school closures in the first place.
Second, the data used to inform the closures have been called into question by many, and do not take into account the nuance of mixing school populations via colocation. For example, parents at Childs Elementary have cited the district’s plan to colocate a new Academy at Palumbo based on a building capacity of 1,000. However, a significant portion of the building’s classrooms is dedicated to special-education students. A colocation would displace SPED students from these classrooms while reinforcing a bifurcated culture among the catchment-based middle school students and Palumbo students in an already rapidly gentrifying neighborhood of Point Breeze.
Third, closure and conveyance to the city for resale do not guarantee public-serving outcomes. With my collaborators — Ariel Bierbaum, Amy Bach, and Elaine Simon — I have studied how thoughtful reuse, rooted in restoring community access and public control, can begin to repair the racially inequitable legacy of past closures.
Yet, private redevelopment has repeatedly failed to stabilize these properties. Selling off public assets does not guarantee revitalization; it often perpetuates stagnation or displacement. Developers frequently “flip” former school buildings, speculating on value rather than advancing community use.
After it closed in 2013, Germantown High School fell into decay and disrepair, a fate Julia McWilliams writes could be repeated.
Take the former Germantown High School and Robert Fulton Elementary, for example. Concordia Group bought them in 2014, only to abandon its plans and resell the buildings three years later to local developer Jack Azran, whose opaque redevelopment has sparked concern.
Moreover, once schools are sold to private entities, they are effectively lost to some communities and public education forever. South Philadelphia’s experience is a cautionary tale. As nearby elementary schools became overcrowded following the 2013 closures, the former Edward W. Bok Technical High School, once a public citywide admissions school, was transformed into a workspace for small-business owners, artists, and nonprofit organizations, closing classrooms forever.
This reuse no longer serves the same community of students and families as when it was a high school, and raises important questions: What does it mean for a community’s future when former schools become symbols of gentrification rather than centers of education? And what options remain when demographic shifts create new demand for neighborhood schools that no longer exist?
Had Bok remained in public hands, it could have flexibly adapted to those needs. Instead, it serves a much different population: South Philadelphia working artists, small-business owners, and local refugee-serving nonprofits, but also patrons who can afford $14 cocktails.
Slow down
Rather than defaulting to closure, the Board of Education should consider how underenrolled buildings might be repurposed for public-serving uses that retain community control. Could redevelopment proceed gradually, with clear commitments that investments in existing buildings benefit both local families and those who have chosen these schools?
Such an approach would require genuine public engagement and sustained dialogue. It would require slowing down and rejecting a disruptive, thinly deliberated plan shaped by speculative capital and instead committing to participatory, long-term facilities planning.
The district and the city face a choice. They can repeat a cycle of disinvestment and dispossession, or they can chart a more deliberative, community-rooted path. The question is whether they have the will to do so.
Julia McWilliams is the codirector of the Urban Studies Program at the University of Pennsylvania and a member of Stand Up for Philly Schools. She coauthored the forthcoming book, “Schools for Sale: Disinvestment, Dispossession, and School Building Reuse in Philadelphia,” from the University of Chicago Press.
Philadelphia’s $10 billion municipal pension system is now 68% funded and on pace to reach full funding by 2032, a year earlier than previously projected, City Controller Christy Brady announced this week.
A decade ago, the pension fund was only 45% funded and appeared to pose a significant threat to the city’s fiscal health. But a series of reforms carried about by successive mayors, state and city legislators, and municipal labor leaders have fostered a remarkable turnaround.
The city’s pension system pays for retirement benefits for city workers. Benefits vary based on when employees were hired. About 35,000 people are currently receiving benefits, according to the pension board’s most recent newsletter. That includes retirees, their beneficiaries, and disability claimants.
“The fiscal health of the Pension Fund continues its relentless upward climb since many reforms were put in place 10 years ago,” Brady, who sits on the city Board of Pensions and Retirement, said in a statement. “We’ve made smart investments, doubled our assets, reduced investment manager fees — resulting in a large reduction of the overall liability for taxpayers.”
The reforms included increasing annual contributions from the city budget to the pension fund beyond the minimum amount required by state law; negotiating union contracts with higher employee retirement contributions; moving away from high-fee investment managers; and dedicating revenue from a 1% sales tax in Philadelphia to the pension fund.
Despite disagreeing on many other issues, the mayoral administrations of Michael A. Nutter, Jim Kenney, and now Cherelle L. Parker have largely stuck to the same playbook when it comes to turning around the pension fund.
“Everyone has played a role in the stabilization of our pension fund, a development with enormous fiscal consequences for our city,” Parker said last year to City Council.
The continuity is in no small part due to the influence of Rob Dubow, who has been the city’s finance director since 2009 and has encouraged mayors to prioritize improving the health of the pension fund. Dubow chairs the pension board, which in addition to Brady includes appointees from the administration and the labor unions for city workers.
The good news for the pension fund comes as Parker prepares to unveil her proposal for the next city budget to Council on March 12.
The current budget, which took effect in July 2025 and was originally projected at $6.8 billion, has grown to just under $7 billion, according to the latest Quarterly City Manager’s Report. The fund balance — the amount of money left unspent, and the city’s primary reserve for navigating unexpected crises — is now projected to close the current fiscal year at $509 million, up from an initial estimate of $471 million.
As the city chips away at the pension system’s unfunded liability, it is paying more than $800 million per year into the system, an enormous expense. But there is light at the end of the tunnel.
If Parker serves two terms, she will leave office right when the pension fund is projected to reach full funding, which will be a watershed moment and will reduce the annual pension contribution by more than $400 million.
Parker’s budget plans appear to take into account that the next mayor may have it easier when it comes to fixed costs. For instance, her 13-year schedule for reducing business income and receipts tax rates, which Council approved last year, back-loaded the biggest tax cuts until after she is likely to leave office.
Meanwhile, Parker’s signature housing initiative calls for the city to take out $800 million in bonds over the next two years. Philly taxpayers will repay that debt, along with an estimated $500 million in interest, over the coming decades.
This week’s column analyzes the city’s camera surge, the need for political challengers, and calls for some basic sense about security.
Passengers board a SEPTA trolley along Baltimore Avenue in West Philadelphia.
Trolley cams
Over the last few years, Philadelphians have increasingly come under surveillance. Cameras enforce bus lane violations, issue speeding tickets, and help prevent and solve violent crime. Just this week, the Philadelphia Parking Authority announced it is now adding cameras to the city’s trolleys.
This surge in surveillance has led to some residents bemoaning what they view as a cash grab. These worries were echoed last year by City Councilmember Jeffery “Jay” Young during a committee meeting in which he held up authorization for school zone cameras. Fortunately, these concerns are unwarranted.
Our speed and red-light cameras are not designed to raise revenue. While camera systems in states like Illinois are used to pay for regular local government expenses, Pennsylvania’s are earmarked for traffic safety projects. Philadelphia is getting $13 million from the most recent distribution. This leaves politicians with little incentive other than to focus on safety and efficiency when choosing where and why to place the cameras. The system isn’t designed to take advantage of sudden speed traps, a problem that occurs with both automated and traditional traffic enforcement systems.
Per a PPA spokesperson, 63% of vehicle owners who get a bus camera ticket don’t get a second one.
In the case of the trolley cameras, it is also a question of basic fairness. If you ride the trolleys enough, you’ll eventually end up stuck. Almost always, it is because someone decided to inconvenience 20 to 40 people to avoid parallel parking or walking a short distance. While no one likes getting a ticket, motorists who opt to block trolleys should be happy with the fact that they aren’t being immediately towed.
Candidates in the Democratic primary for Philadelphia’s 3rd Congressional District include, clockwise from upper left: State Sen. Sharif Street, State Rep. Chris Rabb, Ala Stanford, and State Rep. Morgan Cephas.
Marquee matchup
The race to replace U.S. Rep. Dwight Evans was always going to be close-fought. With the youthful Brendan Boyle occupying the city’s other congressional seat, this could be the best chance to represent Philadelphia in Washington, D.C., for decades. State Sen. Sharif Street (the son of former Mayor John F. Street) and State Rep. Morgan Cephas (who chairs the Philadelphia delegation in the state House) are both long-expected candidates for the job. They’ve been joined by progressive firebrand Chris Rabb, surgeon Ala Stanford, and a handful of other candidates with less funding and political support. For Southeast Pennsylvania politicos, it’ll have to do. There simply aren’t a lot of competitive races this year.
In state Senate District 34, Towamencin Township Supervisor Kofi Osei is running against party-endorsed candidate Chris Thomas. There are also a couple of contested primaries for state House seats. That’s all, folks.
Mayor Cherelle L. Parker delivers her keynote address at the Chamber of Commerce for Greater Philadelphia’s Annual Mayoral Luncheon, in February.
Challengers needed
Next year also looks fairly empty. While some progressive groups have polled residents to gauge the viability of defeating Mayor Cherelle L. Parker, few potential candidates appear eager to take her on. That’s perhaps not surprising. Only one Philadelphia mayor has failed to be reelected in the last 70 years. That includes W. Wilson Goode Sr., who bombed a city block during his first term, and Frank Rizzo, who failed a lie-detector test he himself had suggested.
What the city really could use are more challengers for City Council seats. So far, I am aware of just one candidate, Jalon Alexander, who has put his hat in the ring. Alexander plans to challenge Young in the 5th District, citing capricious decision-making. But Young, while he may be the most egregious example, is not the only Council member who could use some competition.
I expect the city’s progressive groups, like Reclaim Philadelphia and the Working Families Party, will eventually find candidates to challenge some of the weaker members, including Young, Cindy Bass, Nina Ahmad, and Jim Harrity. Last cycle, these groups organized around ideas, like rent control, that simply aren’t viable in Philadelphia.
Despite being mostly frozen out by Council President Kenyatta Johnson and their colleagues, the current progressive delegation has been somewhat unwilling to challenge that body’s status quo. While Councilmember Kendra Brooks voted against a ban on safe injection sites, and Rue Landau voted against one of Young’s ill-considered moves, the city could use at least one councilmember who is willing to consistently challenge their colleagues’ bad decisions.
Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro is seen after a B’nai B’rith Youth Organization International Convention on Feb. 12 in Philadelphia.
Security snafu
We call Gov. Josh Shapiro the Ambitious Abingtonian here for a reason. The governor is a hard-charging, elbows-up politician who has turned many friends into enemies over the years. Republicans seem to believe they have finally found a weakness in Shapiro’s political armor: the decision to spend taxpayer money to secure his home in Abington, and the seizure of a small strip of adjoining land that accompanied it. State Sen. Tracy Pennycuick, who represents western Montgomery County and eastern Berks County, even opined that Shapiro “put his family at a higher level of risk” by moving them home instead of to a bunker after the April arson attack at the governor’s mansion.
Of course, the Shapiros just survived an attempted assassination. Let’s be human beings for one second. Shapiro’s shell-shocked children deserved to sleep in familiar settings.
If Republicans want spending decisions to critique, they should start with Shapiro’s reliance on an opaque group called Team PA to pay for everything from travel to sporting events instead.
